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GTommittee of Publication. 



mulgasdis historical Sbririg. 

Second Seeies. — Vol. XVII. 


puolisfjeo at tfje (Jfljarfle of tij* Eaforcnce JFtmo. 



SEmbrrsttg ^rcss: 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 



In order that this volume should not exceed the size 
most acceptable to readers, it has been found necessary to 
confine it to the record of only seven meetings, beginning 
with the meeting of January and ending with that of 
October of the current year. The contents, however, 
are unusually varied, and comprise numerous communi- 
cations of permanent value and importance. Among 
them are the paper on Civilization and Savagery, by 
G. Stanley Hall; Samuel A. Green's list of Early 
American Imprints ; the President's paper on The Con- 
stitutional Ethics of Secession; Morton Dexter's paper 
on The Members of the Pilgrim Company at Leyden ; 
Andrew McFarland Davis's paper on The Merchants' 
Notes of 1733; the remarks by the President and 
William W. Goodwin on the battles of Marathon and 
Salamis; the President's exhaustive paper on an alleged 
interview between Queen Victoria and Charles Francis 
Adams, American Minister to Great Britain. The Price 
Letters, the letters of Benjamin Vaughan, and the letters 
of Virginians in 1782, 1783, on the adoption of the 
Federal Constitution, are important contributions to 


American history. The personal tributes to deceased 
members by Edmund F. Slafter, Charles Eliot 
Norton, Daniel II. Chamberlain, James F. Rhodes, 
Carl Schurz, and others will not fail to attract notice. 
There are also memoirs of George B. Chase, written by 
his son and communicated by the President, of Horace 
E. Scudder by Alexander V. G. Allen, of John D. 
Washburn by Henry S. Nourse, whose lamented death 
occurred only two days after he had read the proof- 
sheets, and of William S. Appleton by Charles C. Smith, 
each accompanied by a portrait. 

For the Committee, 


Boston, December 21, 1903. 



Preface v 

List of Illustrations xi 

Officers elected April 9, 1903 xiii 

Resident Members xiv 

Honorary and Corresponding Members xvi 

Members Deceased xviii 


Paper by James F. Hunnewell, on Prehistoric Bunker's Hill 1 

Paper by G. Stanley Hall, on Civilization and Savagery . 4 
Remarks by Samuel A. Green, in communicating a further 

list of Early American Imprints 13 


Paper by Franklin B. Sanborn, on the Thompsons and 

Cogswells of New England 77 

P. .per by James De Normandie, on Sir William Pepperrell 87 

Remarks by the President, in communicating a paper on the 

Constitutional Ethics of Secession 90 

Memoir of George B. Chase, communicated by Charles F. 

Adams 117 




Remarks by the Senior Vice-President 128 

Paper by James De Noemandie, on Hymns in Ecclesiastical 

History 130 

Memoir of Horace E. Scudder, bj T Alexander V. G. Allen 142 


Remarks by the Senior Vice-President, in announcing the 

death of John D. Washburn 162 

Remarks by Charles E. Norton, on the death of J. Elliot 

('al)ot 163 

Paper by Morton Dexter, on the Members of the Pilgrim 

Company in Leyden 167 

Paper by Andrew McFarland Davis, on The Merchants' 

Notes of 1733 184 

Report of the Council 209 

Report of the Treasurer 215 

Report of the Auditing Committee 227 

Report of the Librarian 228 

Report of the Cabinet-Keeper 229 

Report of the Committee on the Library and Cabinet . . . 230 

Officers elected 233 


Bequest of Robert Charles Billings 235 

Remarks by the Senior Vice-President 236 

Remarks by Henry G. Denny, on the death of John Wilson . 237 

Remarks by Henry F. Jenks, on the death of John T. Ilassam 238 
Remarks by Edmund F. Slafter, on the death of William S. 

AppletoD 241 

Report of William R. Thayer, on the Congress of Historical 

Sciences at Rome 245 



Remarks by the President, on the Battle of Marathon . . 248 

Remarks by William W. Goodwin, on the same subject . 260 
Remarks by Charles E. Norton, in communicating some 

letters to and from Richard Price 262 

Remarks by William W. Goodwin, on the Landing of the 

Pilgrims 378 

Remarks by Edward Channing, on the same subject . . 381 


Paper by the President, on the Battle of Salamis . . . 383 

Remarks by William W. Goodwin, on the same subject . 397 
Remarks by Charles C. Smith, in communicating some letters 

of Benjamin Vaughan 406 


Paper by the President, on an alleged interview between 
Queen Victoria and the American Minister to Great Britain 
during the Civil War 439 

Remarks by Albert B. Hart, on the Condition of the South- 
ern States 448 

Letters communicated by Worthington C. Ford, on the 
Ratification of the Constitution of the United States by 
Virginia 450 

Memoir of John D. Washburn, by Henry S. Nourse . . . 511 

Memoir of William S. Appleton, by Charles C. Smith . . 516 

List of Donors to the Library 533 

Index • . . . 537 


Portrait of George B. Chase Frontispiece 

Portrait of Horace E. Scudder 142 

Map of Salamis and Athens 384 

Portrait of John D. Washburn 511 

Portrait of William S. Appleton 516 





Elected April 9, 1903. 





lUtorbmg &wreiarg. 
EDWARD J. YOUNG, D.D Waltham. 

Correspmttimg Stetwtarg. 

CHARLES C. SMITH, A.M , . . Boston. 


HENRY F. JENKS, A.M. Canton. 

pemtrm at |Targe of t\t Cotmril. 



WILLIAM R. THAYER, A.M Cambridge. 



A dditional Member of the Council. 




Hon. Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D. 
Charles Eliot Norton, D.C.L. 


Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D. 

Josiah Phillips Quincy, A.M. 

H^nry Gardner Denny, A.M. 

Charles Card Smith, A.M. 

Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M. 
Edward Doubleday Harris, Esq. 


Window Warren, LL.B. 
Charles William Eliot, LL.D. 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. 
William Phineas Upham, A.B. 


Hon. William Everett, LL.D. 
lion. Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D. 

John Torrey Morse, Jr., A.B. 

Gamaliel Bradford, A.B. 
Rev. Edward James Young, D.D. 


Robert Charles Winthrop, Jr., A.M. 
Henry Williamson Haynes, A.M. 

Thomas Wentworth Higgmson, LL.D. 


Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M. 
Rev. Edmund Farwell Slafter, D.D. 
Hon. Stephen Salisbury, A.M. 
Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D.D. 


Arthur Lord, A.B. 
Frederick Ward Putnam, A.M. 
James McKellar Bugbee, Esq. 
Rev. Egbert Coffin Smyth, LL.D. 

Rev. Arthur Latham Perry, LL.D. 


Hon. John Elliot Sanford, LL.D. 
Edward Channing, Ph.D. 

William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L. 
Hon. George Frisbie Hoar, LL.D. 
Rev. Alexander Viets Griswold 
Allen, D.D. 


Solomon Lincoln, A.M. 
Edwin Pliny Seaver, A.M. 



Albert Bushnell Hart, LL.D. 
Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, LL.B. 

Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters, A.M. 
Abbott Lawrence Lowell, LL.B. 

Rev. Samuel Edward Herrick, D.D. 
Hon. Oliver Wendell Holmes, LL.D. 
Henry Pickering Walcott, M.D. 

George Spring Merriam, A.M. 

Hon. Charles Russell Codman, LL.B. 
Barrett Wendell, A.B. 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D. 

Hon.Edward Francis Johnson,LL.B. 
Henry Walbridge Taft, A.M. 
Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D. 
William Roscoe Thayer, A.M. 

Rev. Morton Dexter, A.M. 
Hon. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, 

Hon. William Wallace Crapo, LL.D. 

Hon. Francis Cabot Lowell, A.B. 
Granville Stanley Hall, LL.D. 
Alexander Agassiz, LL.D. 
Hon. James Madison Barker, LL.D. 
Col. Theodore Ayrault Dodge. 

Thomas Corwin Mendenhall, LL.D. 
Rev. Leverett Wilson Spring, D.D. 
Lt. Col. William Roscoe Livermore. 
Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D. 
Lucien Carr, A.M. 
James Schouler, LL.D. 

Hon. John Summerfield Brayton, 

Rev. George Angier Gordon, D.D. 
John Chipman Gray, LL.D. 
Rev. James De Normandie, D.D. 
Andrew McFaiiand Davis, A.M. 

Archibald Cary Coolidge, Ph.D. 
John Noble, LL.D. 
Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M. 
Rev. Edward Henry Hall, D.D. 

James Frothingham Hunnewell, 

Hon. Daniel Henry Chamberlain, 

Melville Madison Bigelow, LL.D. 
Rev. Elijah Winchester Donald, D.D. 


Thomas Leonard Livermore, A.M. 

Nathaniel Paine, A.M. 

Charles Gross, Ph.D. 

John Osborne Sumner, A.B. 

Arthur Theodore Lyman, A.M. 

Samuel Lothrop Thorndike, A.M. 

Edward Henry Strobel, A.B. 
Henry Lee Higginson, LL.D. 
Brooks Adams, A.B. 
Grenville Howland Norcross, LL.B. 
Edward Hooker Gilbert, A.B. 
John Carver Palfrey, A.M. 

Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, A.B. 
Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B. 
Samuel Savage Shaw, LL.B. 
Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D. 
Waldo Lincoln, A.B. 
Frederic Jessup Stimson, LL.B. 
Edward Stanwood, Litt.D. 
Moorfield Storey, A.M. 



David Masson, LL.D. 

Hon. Carl Schurz, LL.D. 

Kt. Hon. James Bryce, D.C.L. 

lit. Hon. Sir George Otto Trevelyan, 
Bart, D.C.L. 

Pasquale Villari. 

Henry Charles Lea, LL.D. 


Goldwin Smith, D.C.L. 

John Foster Kirk, LL.D. 


Hon. John Bigelow, LL.D. 

Hubert Howe Bancroft, A.M. 

Gustave Vapereau. 

John Austin Stevens, A.B. 
Joseph Florimond Lonbat, LL.D. 
Charles Henry Hart, LL.B. 



Hermann von Hoist, Ph.D. 
Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Litt.D. 
John Marshall Brown, A.M. 
Hon. Andrew Dickson White, LL.D. 

1880. ' 

Sir James McPherson Le Moine. 
Henry Adams, LL.D. 

Rev. Henry Marty n Baird, D.D. 

Rev. Charles Richmond Weld, LL.D. 

Hon. William Ashmead Courtenay, 



John Andrew Doyle, M.A. 

Abbe Henry Raymond Casgrain, 

Litt. D. 
Alexander Brown, D.C.L. 


Capt. Alfred Thayer Mahan, D.C.L. 


Sir Leslie Stephen, K.C.B., LL.D. 
Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D. 
William Babcock Weeden, A.M. 
Richard Garnett, LL.D. 


Rev. George Park Fisher, D.D. 

Woodrow Wilson, LL.D. 

Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, D.C.L. 

Frederic William Maitland, LL.D. 
John Franklin Jameson, LL.D. 

Rev. William Cunningham, LL.D. 


Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D. 
John Bassett Moore, LL.D. 
Hon. John Hay, LL.D. 

Daniel Coit Gilman, LL.D. 
Rt. Hon. John Morley, LL.D. 
Frederic Harrison, M.A. 
Frederic Bancroft, LL.D. 
Charles Harding Firth, LL.D. 
William James Ashley, M.A. 


Edward Gaylord Bourne, Ph.D. 
John Bach McMaster, LL.D. 
Albert Venn Dicey, LL.D. 
Reuben Gold Thwaites, Esq. 
John Christopher Schwab, Ph.D. 
Worthington Chauncey Ford, Esq. 


Arthur Blake Ellis, LL.B. 

Auguste Moireau. 

Hon. Horace Davis, LL.D. 


Members who have died, or of whose death information has been received, since the last 

volume of Proceed mgs was issued, May 16, 1903, arranged in the 

order of their election, and with date of death. 


Theodor Mommsen Nov. 1, 1903. 

Rt. Hon. William Edward Hartpole Lecky, LL.D. . - Oct. 22, 1903. 


Hon. Henry Stedman Nourse, A.M Nov. 14, 1903. 

Hon. George Harris Monroe Oct. 15, 1903. 

Edward McCrady, LL.D Nov. 1, 1903. 





THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 8th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m., the President, Charles Francis 
Adams, LL.D., in the chair. 

The record of the December meeting was read and approved ; 
and the Librarian, the Cabinet-Keeper, and the Corresponding 
Secretary made their monthly reports. 

Mr. Franklin B. Sanborn, of Concord, was elected a Resident 
Member; and Mr. Arthur B. Ellis, of Burley, in the State of 
Washington, was elected a Corresponding Member. 

Mr. William R. Thayer read a paper entitled " The Sui- 
cide of a Political Infant," giving a brief account of the National 
Party of 1900, and presented to the Library a scrap-book con- 
taining manuscript and printed matter relating to the history of 
the party. 

Mr. James F. Hunnewell read a short paper as follows : 

Prehistoric Bunker's Hill. 

When George Bunker, soon after the settlement of Charles- 
town, owned some ten acres of land reaching across the highest 
ground in that town, his unusual family name became locally 
geographical, and in time, by changes that would have amazed 
him, it became famously historical. His pasture gave the name 
to a battle that was not fought on it, but of which the nearest 
part — an important one — was hundreds of yards eastward at 
the base of the eminence where it was. Nevertheless this was 
the Battle of Bunker's Hill, and this hill with its peculiar name 



for a long while seemed to be the original, the one and only 
Bunker's Hill. Apart from geology, it might be said that 
Bunker's Hill began in the world with George Banker, and 
was developed to fame by the battle in its neighborhood. 

But under the name are associations with man and his works 
reaching far back into the dimness of time. A reliable book 
had given me a cine to the name, and to a place that I wished 
to Bee, and last summer I had an opportunity to do so. The 
visit pleased me very much, and an account of it may have 
interest to other persons. 

Driving over the broad heights of western Derbyshire, I came 
to a region peculiar in Old England. Its elevation is great. 
Fair and wide are large swells of pasture land, bare and lonely, 
for there are few trees seen, and only a solitary stone farm- 
house. The road and strong field-walls are the most prominent 
marks of human occupation. It is a landscape surprising near 
the centre of one of the world's oldest and most populous 

Walking perhaps a quarter of a mile across the fields and 
over a stone wall, all the way up moderate slopes, a height of 
some prominence is reached. Here is one of those mysterious 
relics of Early Britain found scattered through the country, — 
a great circle of stones, once standing, now prostrate, large, 
hoary gray, and partly sunken in the earth. They enclose a 
level area, around which is a broad hollow several feet deep, 
and beyond that a steep high mound, an outwork to all. These 
portions are of earth now grass grown. 

It is Arbelow, a commanding spot, used by man for pur- 
poses important to him before his surviving written records 
began. Looking from it, I saw, about a fifth of a mile distant, 
a smaller but perhaps more prominent mound, like the base of 
a cone, bare and grassy, rising in the midst of a rugged pasture. 
" There," said the only man of the region whom I found, " that 
is Bunker's Hill." In reply to my inquiry why it was thus 
named, he said that he did not know; he had " heard that 
there they used to fight." I walked to it, and ascended it. 
Not another living creature was in sight except a cow, that 
from below stared blankly at me, as if wondering why I, who 
could climb a stone wall, should linger there on such a damp 
day. It was as lonely a place as George Bunker's Charlestown 
pasture in 1G40. 


Otherways it was like it, bare, grassy, and commanding a 
wide view. On three sides, at some distance, are groves ; be- 
sides these the whole visible region is a broad extent of hilly 
pastures divided by stone walls. Everywhere the mists then 
around me suggested the obscurity of man's early history there, 
for he certainly had one there ; the hill is a mound, evidently 
artificial, perhaps fifty feet in diameter at the base, — a burial 
tumulus, as was proved about half a century ago when it was 
opened, mark of the work remaining. In it were then found 
an urn and burnt bones ; previously, a javelin point was found 

— adding another resemblance to the Charlestown hill, the top 
of which was also opened at about the same date. The latter, 
the highest lane in the town, was for years owned by my 
father ; it included remains of the British fort erected after the 
battle in 1775, and there bones and a spear-head were found. 

On the Derbyshire hill is a monument, but it is a very simple 
one, — a pole surmounted by a board placarded with the state- 
ment that the mound is the property of the Duke of Rutland, 
and is in charge of the Commissioners of His Majesty's Works 
as Guardians under the Ancient Monuments Protection Act of 
1882. On Arbelow is a notice of the same tenor. 

At the farmhouse already mentioned I found the only woman 
I saw thereabouts, a brighter one than might have been ex- 
pected in such a place. She, in reply to my inquiry, said 
that no one named Bunker lived, or was known, in the region 

— and a bright woman, especially thus environed, is apt to 
know the neighbors. As a family name it did not exist there, 
as it does not now in Charlestown ; as a name of other signifi- 
cance, or origin, it is obscured, as are the times when men first 
knew the country. 

Damper, but wiser, I drove from these highlands of mist and 
of elder history, down the winding road to Youlgreave, past its 
low T , russet-brown church and straggling gray houses , thence 
through a beautiful valley with abundant trees, then in sight 
of the romantic towers of Haddon,and at last alighted at the 
Peacock in Rowsley, gratified that a plan made months before 
had been a success, and that I had found, and had stood on, 
this Prehistoric Bunker's Hill. 1 

1 In the Proceedings of this Society, 2d series, vol. xii. p. 423, another 
Bunker's Hill is mentioned, situated near Totnes in Devon. The writer may be 
able to offer something about it if he revisits that beautiful region. 


The Pbesidbnt referred briefly to his recent visit to Charles- 
ton. South Carolina, to deliver an address before the New Eng- 
land Society of that city, and said that at the next meeting he 
would give some further account of his visit and his address on 
thai occasion. 

( .. Stanley Hall, LL.D., read the following paper: — 

For years the great auk, now known to be the key to many 
biological problems, was killed by shiploads, but in 1844 be- 
came extinct, only seventy-two specimens existing to-day in all 
the museums of the world. Every few years we have lists of 
species and varieties of animal life newly exterminated. In 
the Smithsonian Museum hangs a copy of a painting by J. H. 
Moser, called u The Still Hunt." It is of a man hidden and se- 
cure on a high rock, shooting buffalo, and beneath it is inscribed, 
k - This illustrates the method by which the great Southern 
bison herd of about five million animals was almost utterly 
exterminated in five years (1871-75), and the Northern herd 
totally destroyed in 1881-83." The wild ass, zebu, giraffe, 
ostrich, seals, all the higher apes, chimpanzee, gibbon, orang, 
and gorilla, gnus, elands, mountain zebras, and many other 
forms have a rapidly narrowing habitat, or are in danger of 
extinction for hides, plumes, ivory, and often for the sole pleas- 
ure of killing. For South Africa it was found necessary for 
the seven great nations most concerned to form, in May, 1900, 
a pact against exterminations. Second only to commercial 
motives is the hunting passion, which in prehistoric times ex- 
terminated the mammoth, Irish elk, cave bear, woolly rhi- 
noceros, etc., in the long, hot struggle by which man became the 
lord of the animal creation. His war for survival against the 
creatures next below him in the scale of being has been so suc- 
cessful that he has wiped out his own plrvlogenetic line of as- 
cent, and separated himself from his animal forbears by many a 
missiii'j; link which science cannot yet recover. Man is the 
only known creature that has destroyed his own pedigree. 
Only die few score of animals which primitive woman domes- 
ticated for food or service can thrive beside him, and his club- 
rooms and dwellings are still decorated with the products of 
his head-hunting prowess against creatures whom Schelling 
called our older brothers, and whom all totem-worshipping 
savages revere as the fathers of all their life and light. Even 


laws against illegitimate methods and wholesale and useless 
destruction, which have multiplied so fast in all civilized lands 
in the last few years, are hard to enforce. Colonel Farrington 
states that about five thousand hunters each year pursue moose 
and deer in Maine alone, and that close time and protection 
laws are a farce. 

In some respects all this is paralleled in the relations of civi- 
lized to savage man. Saddest in this long chapter are the ex- 
terminations of promising stirps of unknown possibilities. The 
Boethuks, for example, of Eastern Canada were a unique race, 
some think a cross between Eskimo and Indian. For decades 
they interfered with the fishing barons of Newfoundland. The 
bloodthirsty Micmacs were let loose on them, and a policy of 
extermination, pursued for decades, ended in the death of the 
last one in 1828. Bonwick, Ling-Roth, West, and others have 
written the story of the Tasmanians, whose numbers have been 
estimated at from a few score thousand to three hundred thou- 
sand when Tasman first saw the island in 1642. The natives 
had wondrous bodies, a singular and extremely complex lan- 
guage, a rich store of myths, and were at first only friendly ; 
but their land and its products were valuable, and this was 
their unpardonable crime. They were gradually crowded to a 
corner by a cordon which it was death to cross, and were shot 
like animals, the settlers by notching their gun-stocks keeping 
tally of the heads of those killed. A few were educated, — 
one 3 r outh entered an English university, but returned to find 
himself ostracized, — and, like the Patagonians similarly trained, 
when they went back to the jungle wished they had never left 
it ; and the remnant was transported to Flinder's Island. 
They were civilized with a rapidity almost rivalling their death- 
rate, and the last Tasmanian Truginani died in 1876. The last 
Mohican who could read Eliot's Bible died long since. Calle 
Shasta, the last of even the half-breed Modocs, died a stranger 
without a country or countrymen. The list of extinguished 
tribes, stocks, and races, who have left not even an Ossian to 
bemoan their fate, is long, and those who have passed away 
with even their names unrecorded is, no doubt, far longer. 

Of those now on the downward path we, of course, know 
far more. M. Chailley-Bert has just described the present sad 
condition of three hundred and twenty thousand people in 
Java, Madura, and their annexes after two hundred years of 


Dutch rule, and sums it all up in the pregnant sentence, " The 
few Europeans here have become all, and the natives nothing." 
Dr. A. Jacoby describes the Samoyeds of a generation or two 
Ro-o as among the most fortunate and interesting of primitive 
people,and thinks they would still be so could the Russian laws 
concerning them be carried out. They migrated hundreds of 
miles over the steppes each year, some families possessing two 
or three thousand reindeer to which new settlers brought an- 
thrax, and robbed them of the rich pasturage they must have in 
the fall, and sapped the roots of their strange religious idealism 
so elaborately developed in the meditations of the long Arctic 
nights. The contempt of the new settlers is their death sen- 
tence, and they will not long survive, save a remnant in the 
Greenland of Denmark, which best knows how to treat the 
Northern races. Nisbet describes, like the others I name, not 
as a partisan or even historian but merely as an anthropologist, 
the Papuans of New Guinea, — their government almost identi- 
cal with that of the old Scotch clan, their courtesy, affability, 
Spartan simplicity, admirable bodies, — but the twilight of their 
race is already well advanced. Grattan, Grey, Reeves, and 
1 1 odder have told the same sad story of the Maori in New Zea- 
land, the Switzerland of the East, which, although geologically 
perhaps the oldest of all lands, as Lloyd shows, has the newest 
and most advanced social democracy on earth. The natives, 
who Macaulay said might some day study the ruins of London 
from its bridge, have dwindled from one hundred and twenty 
thousand in 1852 to about thirty thousand, and will soon be ex- 
tinct as its own Moa. The same story is told by Keate of the 
Pelew Islanders ; by Gautier of the Hovas, the best of the 
native races in Madagascar, which Wallace thought Lemuria, 
the original home of the human race ; the Gaunches of the Ca- 
naries ; and the Todas of India, thought to be descendants of 
Alexander's soldiers, with remarkable physical development, 
and now reduced to a few hundred individuals; the Mar- 
quesans as described by Melville ; the aborigines of Nicaragua 
as licit knew them ; the people of Australia, Hawaii, and most 
of tin' islands of Oceanica, and many others who are rapidly 
vanishing from the deadly touch of civilization. 

In Africa, half as large again as North America, with one 
hundred and fifty millions, which, save in ancient Egypt, has 
hardly been a factor in the world's progress, Sir Harry John- 


son estimates that at least twenty millions, mostly adolescent 
boys and girls, have within recent centuries been sold into 
slavery ; and a late writer collects testimonials of European 
residents to the effect that Africa would have been far better 
off had it never been explored or even discovered, one ethnol- 
ogist insisting that every black race would be justified in kill- 
ing any white man for discovering them. Physicians, like 
G. F. Miller and John Hobson, have pointed out the ravages of 
the diseases of civilization, unknown in the dark continent till 
the white man's advent. Theal, in his comprehensive history, 
Colenso, Drummond, St. John, and others agree that drink, 
which Mohammedanism more effectively checks than Chris- 
tianity, has wrought more havoc here than either slavery or 
disease. Most authorities do not dissent from Reclus that the 
great Bantu race, especially the Kaffirs, is ascendant and not 
descendant, and that we must look, not at Liberia, Sierra 
Leone, or Hayti, but at the kingdom of Hannibal and at the 
semi-mythical Songhay, if we would know the possibilities of 
the black race. One of these writers compares Cetewayo with 
King Alfred to the disadvantage of the latter. One thinks 
Charka and Moshesh military leaders of a very high order; 
and Thompson, who knew Africa well and long, sums up his 
verdict as follows : " I unhesitatingly affirm in the plainest 
language that so far our intercourse with the African races, 
instead of being a blessing, has been little better than an un- 
mitigated curse to them." In this country this race has both 
exemptions and liabilities to disease that are unique ; they are 
good-natured ; easily forget their wrongs ; are born hero-wor- 
shippers; work where whites cannot; and as one of their 
unique distinctions, according to Booker T. Washington, live 
like the young in the realm of emotion and feeling ; easily ac- 
quire and lose religion ; have a genius for imitation ; and 
have originated musical motives as susceptible of further de- 
velopment as those of Hungary. 

Our own Indians are men of the Stone Age, whom Bishop 
Whipple thought originally the noblest savages on earth ; and 
Generals Crooke and Wads worth, who knew them well, 
thought they would grace the halls of Congress. Some of them 
— Massasoit, Samoset, Red Jacket, and Pontiac — were the 
soul of chivalry, and their patriotism was hardly less than that 
of Winkelried. In 1703 the Rev. Samuel Hopkins said God 


willed their extermination, and with his approval Popham's 
men hunted them with dogs, and we are still proud of Indian 
hunters in our pedigree. Now, in their one hundred and thirty- 
two reservations, in which they are shut up very like the vic- 
tims of Weyler in concentrado camps, they cannot paint, 
assemble, leave ; must cut their hair, and cannot even celebrate 
their dances, which are holy passion plays, all their religion, to 
them. Like all primitive races, even the Greeks and Romans, 
their social system is tribal and based on consanguinity. This 
our Indian schools seek to eradicate. Instead of encouraging 
their own basketry, pottery, canoe making, skin dressing, bead 
work, etc., by native teachers before they become lost arts, we 
still force them, in the beginning of a new century of dishonor 
in the words of a young brave, "to clean the spittoons of the 
white man's civilization." Instead of making them good red- 
men, as Gushing, Fewkes, Gatchet, Hough, Miss Fletcher, 
Zitkala-sa, Gyrus Thomas, Miller, and all who have studied 
them scientifically or even sympathetically advise, we break 
down their health, industries, social organization, morals, and 
spirit. These writers insist that the Indian is by nature es- 
sentially peaceful ; that even the ghost dance which whites so 
dread is only a pathetic appeal for comfort to the denizens of 
their unseen world, who seem to them to have forsaken them. 
Canada adopted the French policy, which affiliates and some- 
times even promotes intermarriage, so that it has no Indian 
problem. Bastian estimates that Cortez killed one hundred 
and fifty thousand natives ; introduced smallpox, which slew 
eighty thousand the first year and two million in a generation ; 
destroyed a magnificent system of irrigation, and so left the land 
a waste ; and that Pizarro was a still greater scourge to a still 
more promising type of semi-civilization, essentially superior to 
that of Spain. The ruins we still study at Cholula, Palenque, 
and Mitla, and so impressive are they that Plongeon actually 
held that the civilization of Egypt and Babylon must be 
derived from theirs. 

Take the best case, British India, where fifteen hundred offi- 
cials in black and sixty-five thousand soldiers in red rule tw r o 
hundred and ninety-four million people. Digby shows from 
official figures that in eighteen famines since 1876, more than 
in all the rest of the century, twenty-six millions " died like 
flies-/' or five times as many as perished in all the wars of the 


century. Datt shows that in all the provinces the assessments 
generally range from twelve to thirty-three per cent of the 
gross products, and sometimes greatly exceed this figure, and 
are on the whole steadily rising. It is now levied upon the 
very rag about the loins of the peasant; has sometimes been 
four thousand per cent the cost for salt; and, while the mis- 
sionaries preached the duty of cleanliness, the traders charged 
from two hundred to four hundred per cent its cost for soap. 
These writers, as well as Morrison, Martin, and others, agree 
that instead of being trained for independence and union, as 
could be done and has so often been done in history, the natives 
are made progressively less able to govern themselves. 

While her policy differs radically in different colonies, and 
while she resists every effort toward unity such as a colonial 
parliament would promote, England has furnished many of the 
very highest type of men in this field, like James Brooke, 
Stamford Raffles, Sir Andrew Clarke, Sir George Grey, and 
very many others, who have sometimes had and used wisely 
almost unlimited power. She has broken up wars between 
hostile tribes and enforced order in lands where it was un- 
known before, and has taught the very lowest races to respect 
justice and to trust and keep pledges, but, as Stuart Mill long 
since pointed out, she has not realized that there is something 
repulsive in the idea of one race governing another ; that 
peoples cannot be kept in order and well for commercial and 
industrial reasons chiefly without breaking their spirit. As 
Dilke says, u the destruction of the native races by the British 
races in countries where the English cannot labor out of doors 
is generally complete, and it is a fact that other European 
races, who have set to work to destroy the natives in similar 
circumstances, have not succeeded, while the English people 
have often destroyed them while trying to keep them in 

There are some points of friction that are universal wher- 
ever a higher race treks upon or overslaughs a lower. First, 
the question of sex causes an inflammation that is at the same 
time acute and chronic. This under human conditions is of 
course inevitable, where there are armies, homeless men, or 
where native males cannot also marry females of the higher 
class as freely as conversely. Again, all savages are indolent, 
and their efforts, though spasmodic, are in long and irregular 



rhythms, and industrialism makes the colonial question of to- 
day almost identical with that of securing labor. Diseases 
which are innocuous with higher races, like measles, mumps, 
or scarlet fever, are very deadly with savages, who are almost 
everywhere far healthier as well as more recuperative from 
injuries or operations than civilized man. Dress, too, in hot 
lands is an ornament often worn by day with discomfort and 
removed at night when needed, and brings a long train of dis- 
eases ; and the first effort of our prudes to put heathen babies 
into breeches is otherwise unhygienic if not immoral. 

Nearly all savages are in many respects children or youth of 
adult size. Both their faults and their virtues are those of 
children. They are naturally amiable, peaceful among them- 
selves, affectionate, light-hearted, thoroughly good-natured, 
and the faults we see are those we have made. They live a life 
of feeling, emotion, and impulse, and scores of testimonials from 
those who know them intimately and who have no predilec- 
tion for Rousseau-like views are to the effect that to know a 
typical savage is to love him. The individual is always merged 
in the tribe, and only the chief, and often not even he, can 
give pledges or make bargains. Their condition is very much 
like that which Homer describes, in which law, literature, re- 
ligion, science, ethics, art, and all the other elements of culture 
are not specialized, but implicit in the daily life and mind of 
each individual. Language is, of course, a great barrier to 
understanding and sympathy, and the list of grievous hostil- 
ities caused by ignorance of the other's tongue is a long one. 

The one hundred and thirty-six colonies and dependencies 
of the world now include about two-fifths of the globe and 
one-third of the human race. Nearly all habitable lands are 
now discovered, their peoples known and partitioned among 
the Great Powers; and this process has gone on with amazing 
rapidity since the scramble of 1897. Everything is now tak- 
ing on cosmic dimensions, mission enterprise, business and 
trade, coinage, weights and measures, fashions, postal systems, 
education, etc., and back of politics and even of history are 
now looming up great ethnological problems which give a 
vastly deepened background and enlarged horizon to history, 
all of which is but news of the day compared with the past 
ages through which heredity has been doing its silent work 
and seems to invite a larger ken as well as to mark the present 


and near future as the greatest of all historic periods, and to 
offer the most magnificent opportunities ever opened to con- 
structive statesmanship. Never, perhaps, were lower races 
being extirpated as weeds in the human garden, both by con- 
scious and organic processes, so rapidly as to-day. In many 
minds this is inevitable and not without justification. Pity 
aud sympathy, says Nietzsche, are now a disease, and we 
are summoned to rise above morals and clear the world's stage 
for the survival of those who are fittest because strongest. 
The supreme good, says Guyau, is diffusum sui. The world 
will soon be overcrowded, and we must begin to take selective 
agencies into our own hands. Primitive races are either hope- 
lessly decadent and moribund, or at best have demonstrated 
their inability to domesticate or civilize themselves. History 
shows, too, that each of the great races has developed upon a 
basis of a lower one, and our own progress has been so amazing 
that in it we read our title clear to dominion. If they linger, 
they must take up our burden of culture and work. This sen- 
timent has found several remarkable expressions in Europe 
within the last few years, both by soldiers and thinkers. 

But, on the other hand, what we call low races are not 
weeds in the human garden, but are essentially children and 
adolescents in soul, with the same good and bad qualities and 
needing the same kind of study and adjustment. The best of 
them need no less our lavish care. They have the same right 
to linger in the paradise of childhood. To war upon them is to 
war upon children, and without them our earthly home would 
be left desolate indeed. To commercialize and overwork them 
is child labor on a large scale. If unspoiled by contact with 
the advanced wave of civilization, which is too often its refuse 
and in which their best is too often unequally matched against 
our worst, they are mostly virtuous, simple, confiding, affec- 
tionate, and peaceful among themselves, curious, amazingly 
healthful, with bodies in nearly every function superior to 
ours and frequently models for the artist. Even the sixty 
troglodyte skulls that Horsley measured showed great develop- 
ment, and demonstrated that the art of trephining was well 
understood and practised. The best of the lower races repre- 
sent that most precious thing in the world, — stocks and breeds 
of men of a new type, full of new promise and potency for our 
race, because an ounce of heredity is worth a hundredweight 


of civilization and schooling. Such were the Germans who in 
the days of Tacitus just escaped Roman imperialism; the in- 
habitants of England in the days of Roman occupation and 
even in that of Alfred the Great; the Japanese in 1840, when 
the Powers would have divided their land among themselves 
could they have agreed on terms and shares, and thus robbed 
the world of modern Japan. Not only has progress been almost 
glacierly slow, but it is not yet adequately denned. If too 
rapid, it is sure to be bad for virtue, health, and the 
most valuable knowledge. Reclus thinks civilization on the 
whole no whit in advance of savagery, so much lower than 
it are slum denizens ; and Ranke doubts all real progress in 
History, believing it to involve extreme differentiation of 
classes which is itself morbific. It is not pessimistic to realize 
that our civilization is not only a doom and disease when forced 
precociously upon lower races, but that it has created scores 
of diseases, made cities biological furnaces where life is con- 
sumed, and in general has a dark as well as a bright side. 
What if Pabydonostseff's reflections of a Russian statesman 
impeaching Western ideas have even a scintilla of truth ! 
There are those who hold that any type of civilization is only 
a dim candle in one corner of the vast museum of man-soul, 
leaving most of it obscure and some of it pitchy dark. Perhaps 
he has a mean idea of our race who does not believe in the 
possibility of very different types of culture and civilization 
than ours, but just as good ; and may not he be the real bar- 
barian who deems his own age, race, or faith the best and last, 
to which all must be brought, and insists, with a fanaticism 
worthy of the Mahdi, on holiness after our type or else death? 
Perhaps our very religion must be more or less re- orientalized 
to fit the east. Does might so make right that the worst in 
the victor is better than the best in the victim? Is there any- 
thing whatever of great value in the world that has not a 
deep and ancient ethnic root, and is not everything alien, artifi- 
cial, and is it not a better ideal to make a good redman, negro, 
Lapp, or Kaffir, than an indifferent European, and perhaps even 
a good heathen than a bad Christian ? Is there any barbarism 
that equals that caused by premature and forced civilization, 
or any fallacy greater than that those are not cultured who can- 
not do or do not know or revere what we do ? The uniformita- 
rians not only have a very dull, monotonous world, but their 


policy lacks prudence, and especially forgets the law of future 
or projected efficiency on which Kidd has just laid due stress. 
Gal ton, Grant Allen, and others urge that the best primitive 
stirps be preserved as relays where, if our culture becomes 
effete, it can recuperate its energies if need be, he even adds, 
" by a new rape of the Sabines." Statistics show that college 
men in our own communities do not even reproduce their own 
numbers, so antagonistic is over-individuation to genesis. 

Thus, finally, back of and independent of all current ques- 
tions, may we not urge that the time has now come for us to 
consider occasionally problems of statesmanship and religion 
and history from the broad standpoint of the education of 
races with whom a thousand years are hardly as a day ? Our 
democracy needs a type of historical study that glimpses 
these larger questions, and, while hopeful, does not assume 
that we are the beati possidentes, or our age the culminating 
period of history, but rather that its brightest pages are yet to 
be written because the best and greatest things have not hap- 
pened yet. Nor does this necessarily imply that even our own 
blood or our own institutions will dominate the far future. In 
many lands the victims have been the real conquerors. In 
later ages other stocks now obscure, and perhaps other tongues 
now unstudied, will occupy the centre of the historic stage, 
appropriating the best we achieve, as we learn from Semites, 
Greeks, and Romans. If this be true, every vigorous race, 
however rude and undeveloped, is, like childhood, worthy of 
the maximum of reverence and care and study, and may be- 
come the chosen organ of a new dispensation of culture and 
civilization. Some of them now obscure may be the heirs of all 
we possess, and wield the ever-increasing resources of the world 
for good or evil somewhat perhaps according as we now 
influence their early plastic stages. 

Hon. Samuel A. Green, LL.D., communicated a further 
list of Early American Imprints, as follows: — 

Within a short time this Library has received by purchase 
a rare volume written by Increase Mather, which is not to be 
found, so far as my investigation goes, in any other public 
library. It was printed in Boston in the year 1684, and is the 
second edition of a book entitled : " Some Important Truths 


concerning Conversion," etc., and was published originally in 
London in 1674. A reference to the publication is found in 
the list of Mather's Works, given in Mr. Sibley's " Biographi- 
cal Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University " (I. 439), 
immediately after the title of the London edition, as follows: 
" The same. 2d ed. Boston. 1684. pp. 151." Without doubt 
Mr. Sibley took this entry from the manuscript catalogue of 
early New-England Books and Tracts, made by Thomas 
Prince, where a similar description of the book is given ; 
but he does not, under his customary Capitals, mention any 
library fortunate enough to own a copy. It is highly prob- 
able that Mr. Prince made the entry in his catalogue from 
this very volume, as on the verso of the titlepage is written, 
in his well-known hand, " T. Prince. Boston. 1720. —I s 6 d " 
On the recto of the front fly-leaf is written " Jo. Baily's Booke 
pre. 0-1-6. N. E. ffeb. 21. 8f." At this date John Baily was 
assistant to Mr. Willard of the Old South Church, and a little 
later was the minister of Watertown. His signature is found 
on ten or twelve titles that have been already described in 
the Early American Imprints, and the signatures all were 
written very near the same time. For a collation of this work, 
see page 17. 

Mr. Prince was very apt to write his name over his book- 
plate, giving at the same time the price of the work. On the 
verso of the titlepage of the Mather volume, now in question, 
are faint traces of a former book-plate under the signature ; 
and I have no doubt that once the book bore the plate of the 
New-England Library, though it by no means follows that at 
the date of Mr. Prince's death the copy belonged to that well- 
known collection. It is a matter of record that at one time 
lie was on the point of selling his library; and then presum- 
ably he disposed of some of his books. This statement is 
borne out by the following advertisement in " The New- 
England Weekly Journal," Monday, October 28, 1728: — 

£~&" A Farm of One Hundred Acres of choice Land in Leicester, to be 
Sold. Inquire of the Rev. Mr. Prince in Boston and know further. 

iVho also intending to Dispose of his Library, desires those who have 
borrowed Boohs of Him, to return them quickly. 

In his Diary (III. 393), under date of October 28, 1728, 
Judge Sewall, evidently with this notice in mind, alludes to 
" Mr. Prince's intention to sell his Library." 


In the very next issue (November 4) of the same newspaper 
is another advertisement, given below, which may refer to the 
sale of Mr. Prince's library ; but of course this is mere conjec- 
ture on my part. 

On Thursday the 14th. Instant will be Sold by publick Vendue at the 
Royal Exchange Tavern, a Choice and Valuable Collection of Books, 
Catalogues will be printed in a few days, and may be had at Mr. Eliot's 

At that period Benjamin Eliot was a well-known bookseller, 
and his shop stood on King Street, now State. 

While giving a collation of the Mather volume below, I 
take the opportunity to add a description of certain books that 
have come into the Library since the last list of Early American 
Imprints was published, and also to make a few changes or 
corrections in several collations there given. In this paper I 
use the words " imprint" and " title " synonymously to desig- 
nate the work, whether it be a book, pamphlet, or broadside ; 
and I have confined myself to such titles as were printed 
before the end of 1700, which at that period of time was 
March 24, 1700-01, and I have assumed that Almanacks for 
1701 were printed in the preceding year. 

See Proceedings (second series, IX. 410-540; XII. 273- 
285, and 380-423) of this Society. 


The | Rise, Spring | and | Foundation [ of the | Anabaptists, | Or Re- 
baptized of our Time. [ — | Written in French by Guy de Brez, 
1565. | Minister of the Word, and Martyr. | And Translated for 
the use of his Countrymen, by J. S. | — | [Three lines from 
Eccles. i. 9.] | — || Cambridge: | Printed, and to be Sold by 
Marmaduke Johnson. 1668. 12mo. pp. (1), (2), 58. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a line of border pieces, verso blank ; 2 pp. 
"To the Reader," signed "Thine in Christian duty, | J. S." [Joshua 
Scottow], headpiece a line of border pieces, headline on the second 
page ; 1-46, " The Rise, Spring and Foundation | of the | Anabap- 
tists," headpiece two lines of border pieces, the lower one inverted ; 
47-52, " Of the Dreams of the Anabaptists, and how they are con- | 
demned by the Word of God"; 53-58, "Of the Spiritual Anabap- 
tists, who are separted [sic"] from the | world," running headlines on 


pages 2-58 : " Finis " in middle of the page followed by a notice, be- 
tween two rules, the lower one inverted, of "The Righteous Man's 
Evidence for Heaven," by Timothy Rogers, which is "now in the 
Press, and will very shortly be extant." 

This collation is given in place of an incomplete one which 
lias already appeared in these lists. The copy of the imprint, 
from which this description is taken, came from the George E. 
Ellis library. 


A Seasonable | Proposition | of | Propagating the Gospel by Chri- | 
stian Colonies in the Continent of Guaia- | na : being some glean- 
ings of a larger Dis- I course drawn, but not published. | — | By 
John Oxenbridge, a silly worme, too incoDsiderable for so | great a 
Work, and therefore needs and desires accep- | tance and assist- 
ance from Above. | — | No titlepage. 16mo. pp. 12. 
Half-title, followed by text; headpiece a line of border pieces and a 

rule ; " Finis " near foot of the page between two rules. 

It is somewhat doubtful whether this title was printed at 
Cambridge, or not. Neither Prince, in his manuscript cata- 
logue, nor Haven, in bis list of " Ante-Revolutionary Publica- 
tions," mentions it ; but the typographical appearance closely 
resembles the work of Samuel Green, of Cambridge, as seen 
in his specimens near the year 1670. The border pieces are 
exactly the same, and the fonts of type are similar. Thompson 
Cooper, in his sketch of Mr. Oxeubridge, printed in the " Dic- 
tionary of National Biography" (London), mentions the title, 
and gives the place and date of imprint, both with a query, 
thus, " London (?), 1670 (?)." The author of the pamphlet 
together with his wife was admitted as a member of the First 
Church in Boston, on March 20, 1669-70; and shortly after- 
ward he was ordained as its minister. At the session of the 
General Court beginning May 15, 1672, he was appointed one 
of the licensers of the press. 

The following extracts are of interest in connection with the 
naming of this continent. Mr. Oxenbriclge speaks of "that 
New world which I would call Columba, rather th&n America" 
({>. 2) ; and again he says: "Our endeavour it seems should 
look toward Columba" (p. 4). In other places also he applies 
the same name to this part of the world. 



Some I Important Truths | concerning | Conversion, | And the | Im- 
proving Seasons of Grace ; | As also about | Prayer in Families, 
and in Secret : | Delivered in Several | Sermons ; | — | By Mr. 
Increase Mather. | — | The Second Edition. | — | [Two lines 
from John xiii. 17 ; and two lines from Phil. iii. 1.] | — || Printed 
at Boston in New-England by | Samuel Green for John Griffin. 
1684. 16mo. pp. (1), (2), 151. 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 2 pp. " To the Reader," headpiece, a line of 
urn-shaped border pieces, headline ; 1-67, " A Sound and Through 
Conversion, is | of absolute necessity in Order to | the Souls Entrance 
into the King- | dome of Heaven " | — | , headpiece a line of border 
pieces, running headlines; 67-103, | — | "Seasons of Grace (espe- 
cially the present sea- | son) are carefully to be improved and | re- 
deemed," running headlines; 103-126, | — | "The true Fearers of 
God will practice | Family Prayer" | — |, running headlines; 127- 
151, "The sincere Servants of God will make | Conscience of Secret 
Prayer " | — | , running headlines ; " Finis " in middle of the page ; 
last page verso blank. 

For an account of this title, see pages 13 and 14. 


A Modest and Impartial | Narrative | Of several Grievances and | 
Great Oppressions | That the Peaceable and most Considerable 
Inhabitants | of | Their Majesties Province | of | New-York | in 
I America | Lie Under, | By the Extravagant and Arbitrary 
Pro- I ceedings of Jacob Leysler and his | Accomplices. | — | 
[Three lines of border pieces, six, three, and six pieces, respec- 
tively, centred.] | — | No imprint. 12mo. pp. 42. 
Titlepage, verso, " The Reader is hereby advertised, That the Matters 
Con- I tained in the following Declaration and Narration, were | in- 
tended to have been presented to the Mayor's Court in New- | York, 
the 21th of January last past, but that the Fury and | Rage of this 
Insolent man Leysler, was grown to that highth, that | the day before, by 
his order, several Persons of Note were vio- | lently seized, and divers 
Houses broken open, so as it was not | thought safe to proceed in such 
Method. For which reason its | thought well to publish the same " . . . ; 
3-42, text, " The Narrative, &c," headpiece a rule ; at the end, " Dated 
in New-York this 21th of January, Annoq; | Domini 1690," followed 
by " Finis " between two rules. 



Charles R. Hildeburn in bis " Century of Printing," etc. 
(lss;>), says that this pamphlet was printed in Philadelphia by 
William Bradford. 


The Barren | Fig Trees | Doom. | Or, | A Brief Discourse wherein is 
set forth | the woful Danger of all who abide Un- | fruitful under 
Gospel-priviledges, | and Gods Husbandry. | Being the Substance 
of Sixteen | Sermons | Preached on Christ's Parable of the | Fig- 
tree. I — I By Samuel Willard, Teacher of a Church | in Boston. 
I — I [Four lines from Matt. iii. 10.] || Boston, Printed by Ben- 
jamin Harris, and | John Allen. 161) 1. Price Bound 2s. 6d. 
12mo. pp. (1), (4), 300. 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 4 pp. " The | Epistle | to the | Reader | 
Christian Reader," signed " Wlio am | Less than the least of all Saints, 
I Samuel Willard," headpiece two lines of border pieces, headlines ; 
1-300, text, similar headpiece, " Finis " at foot of the page. 

This collation is in place of an incomplete one previously 
given. On the titlepage is written " Jos. Greens," and, on 
the opposite fly-leaf, " The Gift of | Tho? Hubbard EsqF" 

The Danger of Taking God's Name | in | Vain. | As it was Delivered 
in a I Sermon | — | By Samuel Willard, Teacher of a Church | 
in Boston: | — | [Three lines from Mai. i. 14; and three lines 
from Levit. xix. 12.] | — [| Boston, Printed by Benjamin Harris, 
and I John Allen, at the London-Coffee-House: | 1691. 16mo, 
r pp. (1), 30. 

Titlepage, verso blank ; 1-30, text, " The Danger of Taking God's 
Name | in | Vain. | [Four lines from Deut. v. 11.], headpiece two 
lines of border pieces, " Finis " at foot of the page. 

The I Revolution | in | New England | Justified, | And the People 
there Vindicated | From the Aspersions cast upon them | By Mr. 
John Palmer, | In his Pretended Answer to the | Declaration, | 
Published by the Inhabitants of Boston and the | Country adjacent, 
on the day when they se- | cured their late Oppressors, who acted 
by an I Illegal and Arbitrary Commission from the | Late King 
•'•"lies. I || Printed for Joseph Brunning at Boston | in New 
England. 1691. 12mo. pp. 13-48. 
Titlepage, verso blank, wanting; 4 pp. "To the | Reader," signed 
by "E. R." and " S. S." headlines, wanting; 1-47, text, "The | 
Revolution in New England justified," headpiece two rules, pp. 1-12 


wanting ; 48, " Reader," followed by twelve lines, and " Finis " 
between two rules; followed by "A Narrative of the Proceedings of 
Sir Edmond Androsse," 1691, with new signature letters, given below. 

A | Narrative | of | The Proceedings | of | Sir Edmond Androsse | 
and his Complices, | Who Acted by an Illegal and Arbitrary 
Com- | mission from the Late K. James, during | his Government 
in | New England. | — | By several Gentlemen who were of his 
Council. | — || Printed in the Year 1691. 12mo. pp. 8, 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 1 p. " To the | Reader," dated at " B. N. E. 
Feb. 4. 169^"; 4-12, text, signed by William Stoughton, Thomas 
Hinckley, Wart \_sic~] Winthrop, Barthol. Geduey, Samuel Shrimpton, 
and dated at "Boston in New England, | Jan. 27. 1690," headpiece 
two rules, followed by " Finis," pages 9-12 wanting. 

These two tracts are described from copies in the library 
of the Boston Athenaeum, bound up together. The}' are 
reprinted in " The Andros Tracts" (I. 63-147), published by 
the Prince Society. The initials "E. R." and " S. S.'\ at the 
end of the Preface to the first tract, stand for Edward Rawson 
and Samuel Sewall respectively. 


Blessed Vnions. | — | An Union | With the Son of God by | Faith, | 
And, an Union | In the Church of God by | Love, | Importunately 
Pressed ; in a | Discourse | Which makes Divers Offers, for those 
Vnions ; | Together with | A Copy of those Articles, where- 
upon a most I Happy Union, ha's been lately made | between 
those two Eminent Parties in | England, which have now Changed 
I the Names of Presbyterians, and | Congregationals, for that of 
I United Brethren. ] — | By Cotton Mather. | — | How long did 
our Fathers Sow in Tears for | this Harvest? God hath Re- 
served the Reaping- | Time for us their Children : and therefore 
let I us Joy before Him, according to the Joy in Harvest. | Mr. 
M[e]ads Excellent Sermon, on, The Two Sticks | made One 
Pag. 19. I — || Boston. Printed by B. Green, & J. Allen | for 
Samuel Phillips. 1692. 16mo. pp. (10), 86, 12. 
Titlepage, verso, " To the Brethren | Of the Church in the North 
Part I of Boston," signed " Your Sollicitous Pastor, and Servant, | 
Mather " ; 8 pp. " To the Very Reverend | Matthew Mead, | John 
How. I and | Increase Mather ; | Of whose Pious and Prudent En- 
deavours, I (among others) the God of Heaven | has made a very 
particular Vse, in | producing a most Blessed Vnion a- | mong His 


People. | Much Honoured," signed " Who am | in all Duty | Your 
Sou and Servant, | Cotton Mather," headpiece, two lines of border 
pieces, the lower one inverted, headlines, catchword on last page 
between two rules; 1-39, " Blessed Vnions. | [a line of fine border 
pieces] | Recommended, from | John XVII. 21. | That they all may be 
On.-, as Thou, | Father, art in me, and I in Thee, | That they also 
may be One in | Vs. | Sermon I.," headpiece a line of border pieces ; 
39-86, " Sermon II.," preceded by a line of border pieces, catchword 
on page 8G below a rule, running headlines from 2-86 ; 1-12, " Heads 
of Agreement | Assented to by the United Mi- | nisters, formerly called 
Pres- | byterian and Con- | gregational," followed by a rule, and 
parts i. to ix. ; "Finis" at foot of the page, followed by "Errata" 
in three lines. 

Pages one to twelve at the end are reprinted in the Mag- 
nalia (Book V. 59-G1). 

A Midnight Cry. | — | An Essay | For our Awakening out of that 
| Sinful Sleep, | To which we are at This Time too | much dis- 
posed ; | And | For our Discovering of what pecu- | liar things 
that are in | This Time | That are for our Awakening | in a 
Discourse given on a Day of Pray- | er, kept by the North- 
Church in | Boston. | 1692. | — | By Cotton Mather. | — | 
Now Published for the use of that Church | together with a 
Copy of Acknow- | ledgments and Protesta- | tions made in pur- 
suance of the | Reformation, | Whereto we are to be Awakened 
| — | [One line of Latin.] | — || Boston, Printed by John Allen, 
for | Samuel Phillips, and are to be Sold at his | Shop, at the 
West-end of the Town- | House. 1692. 16mo. pp. 71, (1). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso, " To the Church in 
the North-part of | Boston," signed by " Mather " ; 3-65, text, " A 
midnight Cry. | — | Made on a Day of Prayer ; kept | by the North- 
Church in Boston," headpiece a line of border pieces, sermon begins 
on page 4, "Romans XIII. 11. | and that knowing the time, that | it 
is high time to awake ovt | of sleep," headpiece a line of border pieces, 
headlines ; 66-71, " Acknowledgments and Protestations | Voted | 
As Explaining the Obligations laid upon us | by, our most Holy | 
Covenant" ; 71, a declaration of the acceptance by "The Church in 
the North part of Boston" of the preceding "Acknowledgments" on 
the " 10th day of the 2d Month" [1692] ; " Finis" at foot of the 
page ; 1 p. "A Catalogue of some other | Books," | of Cotton 
Mather's, — Call of the Gospel, Military Duties, Right Thoughts, 
Early Piety, Memorable Witchcrafts, Good Man's Resolution ["Small 
Oilers"], Souldiers Counselled, Wonderful W T orks, Work upon the 


Ark, Speedy Repentance, A Public Spirit [Boston Lecture, June 12, 
1690?], Companion for Communicants, Serviceable Man, Serious 
Thoughts [Milk for Babes?], Addresses to Old Men, Life of John 
Eliot, " Expectanda, or, Things to be look'd for," Little Flocks, A 
Vertuous Woman [" Ornaments "], Blessed Unions, A Sacred Ex- 
orcism [." Fair Weather "], Cause and Cure of a Wounded Spirit 
[" Balsamum "], Meditations [printed with Samuel Lee's " Great Day 
of Judgment "], 23 in all, ending "All by | This Authour." 

The missing parts of the volume have been supplied by 
tracing from copies in the library of the American Antiquarian 
Society and in the John-Carter-Brown Library. The leaves 
pasted by the binder on the inside of the cover are pages 67, 
71 and 74 of " An Exposition of the Church Catechism," re- 
printed by Richard Pierce, Boston, 1688. On the inside of 
the front cover is written: "Mary holmes," also "Abigail 
Holmes Her Book Given to her by her Mother 1752." 

In the preface, Mr. Mather says: " I have ordered a Small 
Impression, that I may fulfil my promise of providing for every 
one of you, a Copy of this your Monitor ; so that perhaps I 
may say of this Book, as a Philosopher did of his, 'Tis Pub- 
lished, but scarce made Publick." He writes in his Diary 
for 1692, as follows : — 

In the Beginning of the Year, my Heart being, after a poor manner, 
sett upon the Designs of Reformation, I obtained a Vote of o r Neigh- 
bouring Ministers mett at Cambridge, — 

Recommending it as very Adviseable, That the severall Churches, 
having in an Instrument proper for that purpose, made a Catalogue of 
such Things, as can Indisputably bee found amiss among them, do, 
with all seriousness, and solemnitie, pass their Votes, That they count 
such Things to bee offensive evils, and Renouncing all Dependence on 
their own strength, to avoid such evils, they humbly ask the Help of 
y e Divine grace, to assist them, in watching against y e said evils, both 
in Themselves & in one another. And that y e comunicants, do often 
Reflect upon these their Acknowledgments and Protestations as perpet- 
ual monitors unto them, to prevent the miscarriages, wherewith too 
many professors are too easily overtaken. [See Mather's Magnalia, 
Book Y. 99-100.] 

Accordingly Letters Reporting the Advice, were now sent, thro* a 
considerable part of y e Land. But so monstrous was y e Sleepiness 
upon o r Churches, (& Pastors,) that few of them, did any thing in 
pursuance of the Advice. 

However, I Resolved, That Their Lethargy, should bee no excuse for 


mine. Wherefore having prepared my Church, by a solemn and pub- 
lic Fast, (when I twice preached on Rom. 13. 11.) I drew up an In- 
strumentj of Acknowledgments and Protestations, wherein Renewing 
<> ! Covenant, wee Declared against sixteen common evils, w ch were 
Transgressions of it. 

That I might make the Instrument y e more easy, unto y e dullest 
capacitie among them, I did, after a Speech, at y e Lords Table, weave 
it all into my prayer before y e Lord. So, on, 

10 d 2 ra 

Having first preached unto them, on Jer. 44. 10. They solemnly 
Voted it. And then, printing it, with my Two Fast-Sermons, (w ch I 
called, A Midnight Cry) I found a way, to convey y e Little Book, 
into y e Hand of every one of o r Communicants. 


Rules I For the | Discerning | Of the | Present Times. | Recom- 
mended I To the People of God, in New-England. | In a | Ser- 
mon I Preached on the Lecture in Boston ; No- | vember 27th. 
1692. I — I By Samuel Willard. | — | [Two lines from Eccl. 
viii. 5.] I — || Boston Printed by Benjamin Harris, Over-a | 
gainst the Old-Meeting-House. 1693. 16mo. pp. (1), 30. 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 1-30, " Rules | For the | Discerning | Of 
the I Present Times. &c. | — | Math. 16. 3. | O Ye Hypocrites, Ye 
can discern the Face of the | Skie, but can Ye not discern the Signs 
of the I Times ? ," followed by a rule, headpiece a line of border pieces, 
4 - Finis " at foot of the page. 


Phaenomena quaedam | Apocalyptica | Ad Aspectum Novi Orbis con- 
figurata. | Or, some few Lines towards a description of the New | 
Heaven | As It makes to those who stand upon the | New Earth | 
— I By Samuel Sewall sometime Fellow of Harvard College at j 
Cambridge in New-England. | — | [One line from Psalms xlv. 
10; one line from Isaiah xi. 14; three lines from Acts i. 6-8; 
and two lines from Luke xv. 24, 32.] | — | [Four lines of 
Latin.] | — || Massachvset ; | Boston, Printed by Bartholomew 
Green, and John Allen, | And are to be sold by Richard Wilkins, 
1697. 12mo. pp. (1), (6), 60. 
Titlepage, surrounded by two border lines, verso blank; 2 pp. "To 
the Honorable, | Sir William Ashvrst Knight, | Governour, and the 
Company | For the Propagation of the Gospel to the Indians in New- 
| England, and places adjacent, in America," signed by " S. Sewall," 


and dated at "Boston, N. E. | April 16th. | 1697," headpiece a line 
of seventeen border pieces ; 3 pp. " To the Honorable, | William 
Stoughton Esq. | Lieut. Governour | and | Commander in Chief, | 
in and over His Majesties Province of the | Massachusets Bay in New- 
England," headpiece a line of nineteen border pieces ; 1 p. " Psalm, 
139. 7-10," followed by two stanzas of eight lines each in Old English, 
and four lines of Latin, with a line of border pieces at the top of the 
page and a line of similar pieces at the foot of the page ; 1-60, " Some 
few Lines | Towards a description of the | New Heaven," headpiece 
two lines, headline " Of the New Heaven upon the New Earth," dated 
at end, "October 7, 1697." 

Chief-Justice Sewall, in his Diary, makes many allusions to 
this work, which are to be found in Volume I. of the printed 
edition, under the following dates, respectively : — 

March 27, 1697. I read to the Lieut-Governour [Stoughton] my 
Phaenomena Apocalyptica, what had written of it. He Licenses the 
printing of it. (Page 450.) 

May 1, 1697. The first Sheet ... is wrought off. (P. 452). 

Fourth-day, May 12 . . . This day wrought off the first half-sheet 
of the Phaenomena; which I corrected my self. (Pp. 452, 453.) 

Sixth half sheet, July 17, wrought off the Letter D. of my Phaen. 
(P. 457.) 

Fourth-day; Sept!" 8. 1697. . . . I presented his Honour with the 
view of a half-sheet, which begins In quatuor angiitis terrae. [See 
pages 45-48 of the work.] (P. 458.) 

Fifth-day, Nov r 4*. h Guns fired with respect to the King's Birth- 
day. . . . before these works began, Had the Epistle to his Honour, a 
proof of it, in my pocket : but had not oportunity to shew it : was taken 
this day. (P. 462.) 

Third-day, Novemb r 9* h The Epistle to the Lieut-Governour, which 
is the last half-Sheet, is wro't off, and the Book is set to sale in Mr. 
Wilkins's shop. One is sold. Could not be wrought off last week, nor 
yesterday ; because of the Laws. Mr. Flint of Norwich came in to the 
Printing- Room : I gave him a Book stich'd up, which is the first per- 
fect Book I have given away. (P. 462.) 

Fourth-day Nov? 10^ L* Governour and Council met at the Coun- 
cil Chamber, ... I took that oportunity to present the L* Governour 
with seven Phaenomena ! (P. 463.) 

Fourth-day, March 16. 169 |. I sent to the college Library my 
Phaenomena, well bound in calvs Leather, with Mr. Oakes's election 
sermon, and Mr. Willard's Tract about Swearing ; by Josiah Cotton. 
(P. 475.) 


July, 13. 1098. . . . When came home rec'd Sir Henry Ashhurst's 
Letter, wherein lie thanks me for my kind Present of the Phaenomena 
s.tit him. This is the first notice I have had of their being in England. 
(P. 181.) 

Augt. 29. I send Mr. Noyes's sermon and a Phaenomena to the 
Governour by the Post, sermon was the first that was bound. (P. 484.) 


Clough, 1701. I — I The New-England | Almanack | For the Year 
of our Lord, MDCCI. From | the Creation 5650. And from 
the I Discovery of America by Chr. Columbus 209. | Being 
First after Leap Year, & of the Reign of our | Gracious Sov- 
ereign, King William the III. | (which began Febr. the 13. 
1G88, 9.) 13. year. | Wherein | are contained things necessary for 
such a Composure. | — | The Vulgar Notes of this year are, | 
Golden Number 11 ) ( Cicle of the Sun 2 . 
The Epact 1 [ { Domi. Letter. E. I - I Kespectmg the 

Meridian of Boston in New= | England, Lat. 42. gr. 30 min. 
| — | To which is added brief Observations of the most Noted | 
Things hapning in Boston since its first settlement : | with a 
Chronology of some Remarkable Passages | hapning in New- 
England, since its first Planting | — | By Samuel Clough. | — | 
Licensed by Authority. | — | The Heaven's a Book, the Stars 
the Letters are, | God was the Writer ; Men the Readers were. 
| — || Boston, Printed by B. Green, and J. Allen, | for Samuel 
Phillips, at the Brick Shop. 1701. 16mo. pp. (16). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a line of border pieces, verso, " Of the 
Eclipses this Year, 1701," below which, separated by a rule, is given 
the time of the high tide at different places as compared with that 
of Boston, ending with " d^ 3 Q. Whether or no a Light-House at 
Alderton's point, | may not be of great benefit to Mariners coming on 
these Coasts?" ; 12 pp. January to December ; 2 pp. "A Chronology 
| Of the most Remarkable Passages Hapning in New- | England since 
the first Planting thereof," the last date given being January 16, 1700, 
" Finis " at foot of the page. 

Tulley, 1701. | — | An | Almanack | For the Year of our Lord 1701. 
| Being First after Leap-year, & from the Creation, 5650. | And 
from the Discovery of America by | Chr. Columbus, 209. And 
of the Reign of our Gra- | cious Soveraign, K. William the 
Third (which | began Febr. the 13th. 1688, 9.) the 13th. year. | 
Wherein is Contained the Lunations, Courts, | Spring Tides, 
Planets, Aspects and Weather, | the Rising and Setting of the 


Svn, together | with the Sun & Moons place, and time of Full | 
Sea or High Water, with an account of the | Eclipses, & other 
matters useful & necessary. | — | The Vulgar Notes of this Year 

, Golden Number 11 | ( Cicle of the Sun 2 . i p i 
are ' I The Epact 1 f \ Dominic. Letter E ' ~ ' U " 

lated for and Fitted to the Meridian of Boston | in New=England, 
where the North-Pole is | Elevated 42 gr. 30 min. But may 
indiffe- | rently serve any part of New-England. | — | By John 
Tulley. | — | Licensed by Authority. | — || Boston, Printed by 
B. Green, & J. Allen. Sold at the | Prin ting-House at the 
South End of the Town 1701. 16mo. pp. (16). 
Titlepage surrounded by a line of border pieces, verso an address to 
" Friendly Readers," followed by eleven lines about the " Signs of the 
Zodiack," and a note relating to the courts; 12 pp. January to De- 
cember; 1 p. "The Eclipses, 1701," ending with eight lines of poetry ; 
1 p. "Of the Four Quarters of this Year, 1701/' and "Of Blood 
Letting, &c," followed by the lines given below : — 

^tioertteiement. There may speedily he 'published a Booh 
of a small Price, about Military Discipline, being the compleat 
Souldier, or Expert- Artillery- Man, containing the Exercise of 
the Musket, 3? divers ways of Exercising a Company, &c. 
Sold by N. Boone over against the old Meeting House in Boston. 

Barbarian Cruelty, | Being | A True History of the Distressed Con- | 
dition of the Christian Captives | under the Tyranny of Mully 
| Ishmael Emperor of Morocco, and | King of B"ez, and Macque- 
ness in | Barbary. | In which is likewise given a particular | 
Account of his late Wars with the j Algerines. The manner of 
his Pi- [ rates taking the Christians and | Others. His breach 
of Faith with | Christian Princes. A Description | of his Castles 
and Guards, and the | Places where he keeps his Women, | his 
Slaves and Negroes. | With a particular Relation of the danger- 
ous | Escape of the Author, and two English | Men more from 
thence, after a miserable | Slavery of ten Years. | — | By Francis 
Brooks | — || Boston, | Reprinted for S. Phillips, at the | Brick 
Shop. 1700. 16mo. pp. 94. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso, " Decemb. 8, 1692. | 
Imprimatur, | Edmund Bohun," between two lines of border pieces, 
the lower one inverted ; 3-4, " To Their | Sacred Majesties, | William 
and Mary, | Of Great Britain, France and Ireland, | King and Queen. 
| Most Gracious Soveraigns," signed by "Francis Brooks"; 5-10, 
"To the | Reader," signed " F. B.," catchword "An" below two 
rules, on page 10, headpiece two rules, headlines ; 11-88, text, pages 



1 1 _i i^ 35-38, wanting, signed " Francis Brooks," followed by a rule; 
89-94, "The | Turkish | Fast, | Out of the Monthly Murcury, for 
| December, 1097," headpiece two rules, " Finis " between two rules ; 
last leaf blank. 

The two Englishmen who escaped with the author were 
' : Tristram Bryan, born in Plymouth [England], and Edward 
Tucker, who came from New England " (p. 68). Captain 
Francis Nicholson is also mentioned in the pamphlet. 

Mutual | Love and Peace | Among | Christians, | being | Recom- 
mended as a Great Duty, | in a Sermon Preached, | January 19. 
1700, 1. | — | By Benjamin Wadsworth, | Pastor of a Church in 
Boston | — | [Three lines from Psalms cxxxiii. 1 ; six lines from 
1 Cor. i. 10; and two lines from Matt. v. 9.] | — || Boston, Printed 
by B. Green, & J. Allen, | for Benjamin Eliot. 1701. 16mo. 
pp. (2), 30. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso, " To the Reader," in 
which he says, " Being earnestly desired to Print this Sermon, I did 
at length consent to the Publishing of it. I have here inserted some 
few Quotations, besides those I delivered in Preaching of it," signed 
" B, W." ; 1-30, text, "Mutual Love and Peace | among Christians 
| — | Rom. XII. 18. | If it be possible, as much as lyeth in you | 
Live Peaceably with all men," headpiece two rules, " Finis " at foot 
of the page. 

The Religious Marriner. | — | A | Brief Discourse | Tending to Di- 
rect the Course of | Sea-men, | In those Points of | Religion, | 
Which may bring them to the Port, | of Eternal Happiness. | — 
[Three lines from Matt. xiv. 25.] | — || Boston in New-England, 
| Printed by B. Green, and J. Allen, | for Samuel Phillips at the 
Brick Shop. | 1700. 16mo. pp. 40. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 2 pp. " Pref- 
ace,'' headline on second page ; 5-40, text, " The Religious Marriner. 
| — | [To North-Boston, in New-England. | 26d. 9m. 1699.] | It is 
written, | in Jon. I. 1 G. | The men feared the Lord exceedingly," 
headpiece a line of eleven border pieces, headlines, "Finis " at foot of 
the pnge, between two rules. 

This was written by Cotton Mather, as shown by the follow- 
ing extract from his Diary for 1699 in the library of the 
American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester, under date of 
November 26 : — 


At this time, having preached a sermon, unto the seafaring people, 
which are a very numerous people, in my congregation, it found so 
much acceptance among them, that they earnestly desired it might be 
published, and they furnished with it. Accordingly I gave it unto 
them, and the booksellers, who immediately put into the press. It is 
entituled, The Religious Marriner. ... I am verily persuaded, this little 
book particularly, which was in a manner composed in one little part 
of a day, and consisting of no more than two sheets and an half will 
prove greatly servicable to the souls of many abroad in the World. 

Some Few | Remarks, | upon | A Scandalous Book, against the | 
Government and Ministry of | New-England. | Written, | By one 
Robert Calef. | Detecting the Unparrallel'd Malice & Falsehood, 
| of the said Book ; | and | Defending the Names of several 
particular | Gentlemen, by him therein aspersed & abused. | — | 
Composed and Published by several Persons | belonging to the 
Flock of some of the | Injured Pastors, and concerned for | their 
Just Vindication. | — | Truth will Come off Conqueror. | — || 
Boston, N. E. Printed by T. Green, Sold by | Nicholas Boone. 
1701. 16mo. pp. 71, (1). 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 2 pp. " To the Christian | Reader," signed 
by Obadiah Gill, John Barnard, John Goodwin, William Robie, 
Timothy Wadsworth, Robert Cumbey, and George Robinson, head- 
piece two rules, headline on the second page, and catchword " Sect. I." 
below a rule ; 5-66, text, containing on pages 34 to 59 a reprint of 
a letter from Cotton Mather, catchword on page 66 below a rule ; 
67-71, " Postscript," containing a Declaration signed by " Increase 
Mather" and "Cotton Mather," and dated "Jan. 9th. | 1700, 1," fol- 
lowed by " Finis " ; underneath is a rule and the words, " The Reader 
is desired to mend these small | Faults, that have escaped the Press," 
followed by six lines of corrections, traced from a copy in the Library 
of the American Antiquarian Society ; 1 p. verso, a notice of " Tri- 
umphs over Troubles," by Cotton Mather, " now in the Press, and 
will speedily be Published," " Sold by Benjamin Eliot, Under the 
West End | of the Town-House. 1701," a line of border pieces above, 
inverted, and another line of different pieces below. 

In his Diary under date of February 7, 1700-01, Cotton 
Mather writes in regard to this work, as follows: — 

In this place, it may not be amiss for me, to Record one passage 

Neither my Father, nor myself, thought it proper for us, to publish 
unto y e Churches o r own Vindication from y e Vile Reproaches & 


Calumnies, that Satan, by his Instrument Calf, has cast upon us. But 
the Lord putt it into the Hearts of a Considerable Number of o r Flock, 
who are in their Temporal Condition more equal unto o r Adversary, to 
appear in o r Vindication. They came to us, desiring that we would 
furnish them, with Memorials and Evidences, concerning matters of Fact, 
which they might produce on o r behalf, and offering then to write what 
might be for y e satisfaction of all good men, concerning our conduct. 
My Father hereupon gave them diverse Letters, of Attestation, from 
very considerable persons, to his Fidelity in his Agency, and added a 
further Instrument under his hand, relating to that matter. I also 
sent them a Large Letter, signed by my own Hand, concerning the 
cheef of the points, wherein I had been myself Aspersed and Abused, 
The Brethren being thus furnished, Composed an handsome Answer 
unto y e Slanders & Libels, of o r Slanderous Adversary, and inserted 
into their Answer y e Memorials, which we had given them. Seven of 
them, were by the rest pitch'd upon, to sett their Names unto it, and 
they did so. The Book being hereupon printed, the Lord Blesses it 
for y e Illumination of His People, in many points of o r Endeavour 
to serve them, whereof they had been ignorant. And there is also 
sett before all the Churches, a very Laudable Focemple, of a People, 
appearing to Vindicate their Injured Pastors, when a Storm of Per- 
secution is raised against them. The Lord Accept, and Reward, this 
work of o r Faithful People ! It is entituled, Some few Remarks. 

Under (Late of February 12, 1700-01, he writes : — 

The Six Friends, who published my Vindication fro y e Abuses of 
o r calumnious & malicious Adversary [The First of y e Seven is gone 
to a better world,] being willing to committ their Good Cause into the 
Hands of the Lord Jesus Christ, I sent for them, & spent this Day 
with them in my study, where we Fasted, and Prayed, and Sang 
Psalms : and we also putt over o r Adversary into y e Hands of o r Al- 
mighty Lord, with Supplications, that He would send His Angel, to Stop 
that 111 man, from going on any further in his wicked Enterprises. 

" The First of y e Seven" who died was Obadiah Gill, whose 
name heads the list of signers to the Preface. See page 55 
for another reference to these Six Friends. 

A Warning to the | Flocks | Against | Wolves in Sheeps-Cloathing. 
| Or, | A Faithful Advice, from several | Ministers of the Gos- 
pel, in and | near Boston, unto the Churches | of New-England, 
relating to the | Dangers that may arise from | Impostors, | 
Pretending to be Ministers. | With | A Brief History of some 


Impostors, | Remarkably and Seasonably detected ; Written, by 
One of the Ministers in Boston, to assert that Advice, and prevent 
future | Mischiefs. | — | [Three lines from Matt. vii. 15 ; and 
two lines from Rev. ii. 2.] | — || Boston, Printed for the Book- 
sellers. 1700. 16mo. pp. 79, (1). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 3-10, " A Faith- 
ful Advice, | from | Several Ministers of the Gospel, | in and near 
Boston, unto the Churches | of New-England ; relating to the | Dan- 
gers that may arise from Imposters, | pretending to be Ministers," 
signed by Increase Mather, James Allen, Samuel Willard, Moses 
Fiske, Benjamin Woodbridge, Nehemiah Hobart, John Danforth, Cot- 
ton Mather, Nehemiah Walter, Jonathan Pierpont, Joseph Belcher, 
Benjamin Wadsworth, and Benjamin Colman, dated " Boston, Decemb. 
28. 1699," headpiece a line of border pieces ; 11-28, " An History, | 
Of Some | Impostors, | Remarkably and Seasonably detected, in | the 
Churches of New-England ; Written | to maintain the Advice Pub- 
lished by | some of the Pastors in those Churches | relating to Im- 
postures, and prevent all | future Mischiefs from them," two lines of 
Latin at bottom of page 28, followed by a rule, headpiece two rules ; 
29-52, "Boston, 25d. | 10m. 1699. | A Letter, | Containing a Re- 
markable History, | of an | Imposter," signed by " Cotton Mather," 
followed by a rule, headpiece a line of eleven border pieces ; 53, 
" Postscript," followed by a rule ; 54-79, u Something to be known, 
| by all the Churches. | — | Or, | Short Remarks upon the Remark- 
able | Dispensations of the Lord Jesus | Christ, unto His Churches, 
dis- | covering Secret Offenders and Im- | postors, among them. | 
— | At Boston Lecture, 14. d. 10. m. 1699," followed by a rule, 
headpiece two rules, running headlines, a line of Latin at foot of 
page 79, followed by " Finis" ; 1 p. verso, " Advertisement" of "The 
Order of the Gospel," by Increase Mather, " prepared for the Press," 
line of border pieces above, and a line of different pieces below, 

This description takes the place of an incomplete one given 
in a previous list. 

The " Warning to the Flocks " has been the cause of some 
confusion among bibliographers. Sabin ascribes the author- 
ship both to Increase Mather (XI. 465) in connection with 
others, and to his son Cotton (XI. 447) ; and Mr. Sibley (I. 
454 ; III. 69, 74) falls into a similar mistake. Dr. Dexter also, 
in the Appendix to his " Congregationalism of the last Three 
Hundred Years" (pp. 114, 115), confounds the titles. The 
first part of the pamphlet, as far as page 53, is reprinted in 
the Magnalia (Book VII. 30-41). 


Id his Diary for March, 1699-1700, Cotton Mather writes : — 

I am at this Time assaulted with some very particular Temptations. 
I, and yett not I, but the Grace of God which was with mee, have newly 
done a service of some consequence to all o r churches, hy publishing, 
A Wanting to the Flocks against Wolves in Sheeps Cloathing. The 
De rices of Satan whereby y e welfare of o r churches, is exceedingly 
threatned, are, I hope, effectually and eternally Defeated, by this Little 
Book, and the Holy Lord Jesus Christ, is glorified. Satan being ex- 
ceedingly enraged at what I have done, stirs up a wonderful storm of 
clamor & slander against mee, from a Numerous Crue in this Town, 
which (tis astonishing !) are not able to bear y e Detection of the Folly, 
they discovered in following one of the Imposters, y e remarkable story 
of whom, I have laid before the churches. And y e venome of that 
malignant company, who have Lately built a New Church [Brattle 
Square] in Boston, disposes them to add unto y e storm of my present 
persecution ; for it may bee, never had any men more of that character 
of grievous Revolters, To bee walking with slanders, than too many of 
that poor people have. 

From the rich collection of early American imprints in the 
Boston Public Library, I am enabled to give the collations of 
the following titles, which are additional to those already 
described either by Mr. Nathaniel Paine or myself. 


Righteousness Rained from Heaven, | Or | A Serious and Seasonable 
Discourse Exciting all | to an earnest enquiry after, and con- 
tinued waiting for | the effusions of the Spirit, unto a communi- 
cation and I increase of Righteousness: That Faith, Holiness 
and I Obedience may yet abound among us, and the Wil- | der- 
ness become a fruitful field, | As it was Delivered in a | Sermon 
I Preached at Harford on Connecticut in | New-England, May 
10. I 1677. I Being the Day of | Election there. | — | By Mr. 
Samuel Hooker, Pastor of the Church of | Christ in Farmington. 
I — I [Four lines from Isaiah xliv. 3, 4 ; two lines from Psalms 
lxxx. 19; and two lines from Lam. v. 21.] | — || Cambridge : 
Printed by Samuel Green. 1677. 12mo. pp. (1), (2), 28. 
Titlepage surrounded by a line of border pieces, those on the sides 
acorn-shaped, verso blank ; 2 pp. " Christian Reader," signed by "John 
A\ biting," headpiece a line of thirty-six acorn-shaped border pieces, 
ornamented letter I at beginning of print, headline on second page ; 


1-28, text, " Hosea 10. 12. For it is time to seek Jehovah until lie 
come | and rain righteousness upon you," ornamented letter at begin- 
ning of print, headpiece three lines of border pieces, the middle one 
of fine pieces, and the lowest one inverted, " Finis " between two 


The I Necessity | of a well experienced | Sovldiery : | Or, A | Christian 
Common Wealth ought | to be well Instructed & Experienced | 
in the Military Art. | Delivered in a Sermon, upon an Artillery 
I Election June the 10 th: 1675 | — | By J. R. | — | Three lines 
from Psalms cxliv. 1 ; and three lines from Jer. xlviii. 10.] | — || 
Cambridg | Printed by Samuel Green 1679. 12mo. pp. (1), 15. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a line of border pieces, acorn-shaped at 
top and bottom, verso blank ; 1-15, text, " 2 Sam. I. 18. Also he bade 
them teach | the Children of Judah the Vse of the Bow," ornamented 
letter A at beginning of print, headpiece two lines of border pieces, 
the lower one inverted, separated by a rule, " Finis," between two 
rules ; last page verso blank. 

The author of this sermon was the Reverend John Richard- 
son, of Newbury, Massachusetts, a graduate of Harvard Col- 
lege in the Class of 1666. The sermon was reprinted at Bos- 
ton in the year 1839. This tract is in a volume containing 
twenty-two pamphlets (1661-1705). On the back of the title- 
page of the first one, John Cotton's " Gods Promise to his 
Plantations," is written : " Samuel Sewall | October 24 th 1739. 
I Binding these Pamphletts | Cost me Seven Shillings. | 
Bound f Mr Harrison | & Mr W m Gray." The old binding, 
however, has been replaced by a new one. 


Several | Laws and Orders | Made at a Sessions of the | General Court 

I Held at Boston by Adjournment from the 4th. to the 16th. | of 

March, 1680. and published by their Order, | Edward Ravvson 

Seer. I — I 4to. pp. 82-83. 

First page blank ; a cut of the Colonial arms at the top of page 82, 

followed by the half-title given above ; 82-83, text, headline on page 

82, between two rules, " Amunition to Indians : Inn-keepers."; headline 

on page 83, between two rules, "Deputyes in Boston. Castle-souldiers. 

&c", " Finis" at foot of the page; fourth page blank. 


This folded sheet is found among the Sessions Laws at the 
end of a copy of " The General Laws and Liberties of the 
Massachusetts Colony" (Boston, 1672), marked on the back in 
Mr. Prince's hand: "Laws | & | Liberties | of the | Massachu- 
setts | Colony | 1684." On the back of the titlepage, in the 
same hand, is written: " T. Prince. Boston. 9. 9* r 17. 

1721. an." 


The Possibility of Gods For- | saking a people, | That have been 

visibly near & dear to him | Together, | With the Misery of a 

People thus forsaken, | Set forth in a | Sermon, | Preached at 

Weathersfield ; Nov. 21. 1678. | Being a Day of Fast and Hu- 

| miliation. | — | By Mr. Joseph Rowlandson Pastor of the | 

Church of Christ there. Being | also his last Sermon. | — | 

[Three lines from 2 Chron. xv. 2 ; and one line from Hosea ix. 

12.] I — || Boston in New-England | Printed for John Ratclift'e, 

& John Griffin. | 1682. 16mo. pp. (1), (3), 22. 

Titlepage, surrounded by a Hue of border pieces, tierso blank ; 3 pp. 

" To the Courteous Reader, (especially the I Inhabitants of the Town 

of Weathersfield, | and Lancaster, in New-England," signed " B. W.," 

headpiece a line of border pieces, headlines, catchword on the third 

page between two rules; 1 p. verso blank; 1-22, text, "Jeremiah 

23 33," and words of text, headpiece three lines of border pieces, 

the middle one of fine pieces, and the lower one inverted, " Finis " 

between two rules, followed by two lines of errata at foot of the page. 

The Preface says that on this " day of Fast throughout the 
Colonies " the sermon " was the last word he spake to the 
World, being but about two dayes before he left it." The 
initials " B.W." may have stood for the name of Benjamin 
Wood I) ridge, the minister of Bristol, Rhode Island, whose 
brother John was settled at this time as minister of Wethers- 
field, Connecticut. 

This sermon and Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative, given below, 
are reprinted in Volume VIII. (554-590) of " The Somers 
Collection of Tracts" (London, 1812). 

The I Soveraignty & Goodness | of | God, | Together, | With the 

Faithfulness of His Promises | Displayed; | Being a | Narrative 

I Of the Captivity and Restauration of | M rs Mary Rowlandson. 

I Commended by her, to all that desires to | know the Lords 

doings to, and | dealings with Her. | Especially to her dear Chil- 


dren and Relations, | — | The second addition Corrected and 
amended. | — | Written by Her own Hand for Her private life, 
and now | made Publick at the earnest Desire of some Friends, | 
and for the benefit of the Afflicted | — | [Three lines from Deut. 
xxxii. 29.] | — || Cambridge, | Printed by Samuel Green, 1682. 
16mo. pp. (1), (4), 73. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a heavy border line in four parts, verso 
blank ; 4 pp. " The Preface to the | Reader," signed " Per Amicam," 
headpiece two lines of border pieces, the lower one of fine pieces, run- 
ning headlines ; 1-73, text, " A Narrative of the | Captivity | and | 
Restavration | of | Mrs. Mary Rowlandson," ornamented letter O at 
beginning of text, headpiece, a line of border pieces, " Finis " near 
foot of the page ; 1 p. verso blank. 

On the back of the titlepage is written : " T. Prince. Boston. 
The Gift of M rs Deborah Burnit." 


Mercy Magnified | on a Penitent | Prodigal, | Or | A Brief Discourse, 
wherein | Christs Parable of the Lost Son | found, is Opened and 
Applied, I As it was Delivered in Sundry | Sermons, | — | By 
Samvel Willard Teacher of a | Church in Boston in New-England. 
I — I [Two lines from Luke xix. 10.] | — || Boston in New- 
England I Printed by Samuel Green, for Samuel | Philips, and 
are to be Sold at his Shop | at the West end of the Town-House. 
1684. 16mo. pp. (1), (4), 391, (1). 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 4 pp. " Christian Reader," headpiece a line 
of ten urn-shaped border pieces, headlines, signed " Who am the Un- 
worthiest Labourer in Christs Harvest | S. W." ; 1-391, text, "Mercy 
Magnified | on a Penitent | Prodigal | — | Sermon I | Luke 15. 11. 
&c ; And he | said, a certain man had two | Sons, &c," running head- 
lines, " Finis " at foot of the page ; 1 p, verso sixteen lines of " Errata." 

On the back of the titlepage is " T. Prince Boston. $ . 9 b . r 10. 
1725 I Don D. B Eliot." (Donum de B. Eliot?) 

The Governovr and Company | Of the Massachusets Bay in New- 
England. I At A I General Court | Held at Boston, by Adjourn- 
ment from the 28 th of January | to the 18 th of March, 1684. 
4to. 1 p. 
A cut of the Colonial arms, followed by the half-title given above, 
and the text in two paragraphs ; an explanation of the Law about 



" Conveyances, Deeds, and Writings,'* in which it is " Ordered, En- 
acted and Declared, that all such Orders or Graunts of Land heretofore 
made by this Court, or by any Town or Towns in this Jurisdiction, were 
and are intended, and shall be Construed and Adjudged in the Law to 
be an Estate in fee simple, and are hereby confirmed to the said Per- 
sons and Townships their Heirs and Assignes respectively for ever ; 
Provided alwayes, that such Graunts as do expresly declare other- 
wayes, viz. to be for Term of Life, or for Term of Years, or during 
Pleasure, or the like, shall not be included in this Explanation or 
Law " ; followed by the words : " By the Covrt." 

This broadside is found after the verso of page 99 in the 
same volume as the folded sheet under the year 1680, given 
on page 31. 

1 686. 

Heavenly | Merchandize ; | Or | The Purchasing of Truth Recom- 
mended | and the Selling of it Disswaded ; | As it was Delivered 
in Several | Sermons | Upon Prov. 23. 23 | — | By Samvel Wil- 
lard, Teacher | of a Church in Boston | — | [Three lines from 
John xvii. 3.] | — || Boston, in New-England ; Printed by Samuel 
Green | and are to be Sold by Joseph Brunning, at His | Shop, 
at the Corner of the Prison Lane next the | Town House. Anno. 
1686. 16mo. pp. (1), (3), 171, (2). 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 3 pp. " To the | Reader : | — | Courteous 
Reader," signed " S. W.," headpiece two lines of border pieces, the 
lower one inverted, separated by a rule, headlines ; 1 p. verso blank ; 
1-171, text, "Proverbs 23. 23. | Buy the Truth, and Sell ] it not/' 
headpiece a line of ten urn-shaped border pieces, followed by a rule, head- 
lines, " Finis " below a rule at foot of the page ; 1 p. verso, u Advertise- 
ment " of " The Greatest Sinner exhorted and Encouraged to come to 
Christ," by Increase Mather, " to be Sold by Joseph Brunning, at his 
Shop near the Exchange, 1686," a double line of border pieces above, 
and similar ones below, the lower one in each case inverted ; 1 p. 
recto, notice of "a small Book Intituled A Wedding Ring fit for the 
Finger, which will soon be out of the Press : and will be Sold by 
Samuel Phillips at the West-End of the Town-house in Boston," fol- 
lowed by a rule and by eight lines relating to errata ; last page blank. 

On the back of the titlepage is written in his own hand 
u T. Prince, his Book 7 8 " The tract is in a volume containing 
eight of Mr. Willard's Sermons, 1686-1694, and on the fly-leaf 
of the book is written " Jeremiah Bumstead | His Book 1707." 

In his Diary, March, 1685-6, Cotton Mather says : — 


About this Time also, I endeavoured the Service of y e Church, by 
procuring an Impression of my Fathers Discourses, about, The Glory of 
y c Lord Jesus Christ. 

And, by my poor means also, a Book of another Minister in y e 
Town, about, Buying y e Truth, came to see y e Light. 


A I Guide to Heaven | From the | Word : | Or, | Good Counsel | 
How to close savingly with | Christ. | Some Short but Serious 
Questions to ask our | Hearts every Morning and Evening, Whe- | 
ther we walk closely with him. | And especially, Rules for the 
strict and due | Observation of the | Lords Day. | — | [One line 
from John v. 39.] | — || Boston. Printed by Samuel Green. 1689. 
16mo. pp. (1), 26. 
Titlepage, verso blank; 1-13, "A Guide to Heaven | From the 
Word, or Good Counsel how to | Close savingly with Christ," fol- 
lowed by a rule, headpiece a line of border pieces; 14-16, " Serious 
Questions to put to our Souls every | Morning," headlines ; 17-22, 
" Every Evening ask these Questions," headlines ; 22-26, " Direc- 
tions for the Strict Observation of the | Lords Day " ; pages at end 

The authorship of this tract has been attributed to Samuel 
Hardy. On the back of the titlepage of another edition (Bos- 
ton, 1717) of this work is written in Mr. Prince's hand: " Y e 
Author of this Book was one | M r Hardy. Vid Calamys 

Ace! I of Ejected Ministers." 

Meat I out of the | Eater | or | Meditations | Concerning | The Neces- 
sity, End, and Usefulness of | Afflictions | Unto Gods Children. | 
All tending to Prepare them For, | and Comfort them Vnder the 
I Cross I — I By Michael Wigglesworth. | — | The Fourth 
Edition | — || Boston. | Printed by R. P. for John Vsher. 1689. 
16mo. pp. 208. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a line of border pieces, verso blank ; 3-44, 
" Tolle Crucem. | All Christians must be Cross-bearers," and four 
lines of verse, followed by a line of border pieces, headpiece two lines 
of border pieces, the lower one inverted, headlines, consists of ten 
meditations ; 45-50, " A conclusion Hortatory | To those that are, or 
hereafter may | be in Affliction," followed by a rule, headpiece a rule, 
headlines, ends with " Amen," catchword on page 50 between two 
rules; 51-91, titlepage "Riddles | unriddled, | or | Christian Paradoxes 



| Broke open, smelling like sweet | Spice New taken ont of Boxes " | 

| [six lines of verse] | — |, surrounded by a line of border pieces, 

followed by text, headlines, consists of ten songs, catchword on page 91 
below a rule ; 92-107, " Sick Mens Health," followed by a rule, head- 
piece a line of border pieces, headlines, consists of four meditations ; 
108-120, " Strength in Weakness," followed by a rule, headpiece a line 
of border pieces, headlines, consists of four songs ; 121-137, " Poor mens 
Wealth "| — | , headpiece a line of border pieces, headlines, consists of 
five meditations; 138-147, "In Confinement Liberty," followed by a 
rule, headpiece a line of border pieces, headlines, consists of three songs ; 
148-1 GO, " In Solitude Good Company," followed by a rule, headpiece 
a line of border pieces, headlines, consists of three songs; 161-179, 
" Joy in Sorrow," followed by a rule, headpiece a line of border pieces, 
headlines, consists of five songs ; 180-189, " Life in Deaths " followed by 
a rule, headpiece a line of border pieces, headlines, consists of three 
songs ; 190-208, " Heavenly Crowns | for | Thorny Wreaths," fol- 
lowed by a rule, headpiece a line of border pieces, headlines, consists 
of five songs, " Finis " at foot of the page. 

In binding the book, paper was used on the inside of the 
cover, showing headlines, "30 Quest, for Morning," " Quest 
for Morning 81," "54 Strict Observations," " for the Lords 
Day 55," " . . . Of St. Peter," which evidently belonged to 
an earlier edition of " A Guide to Heaven," etc., mentioned 
under this year. 

On the back of the titlepage is written " T. Prince of Boston, 
his Book. 4 s "; and on the fly-leaf at the beginning appears 
"Jeremiah Bumstead His Book 1712." In the year 1703 
Cotton Mather published a sermon with a similar title. 

On the last page of" Balm in Gilead to heal Sions Wounds," 
by Thomas Walley (Cambridge, 1670), is the following adver- 
tisement of an earlier edition of this work: — 

THere is now going to the Press sundry excellent and divine Poems, 
entituled, Meat out of the Eater ; or, Meditations concerning the 
Necessity, JEnd, and Vsefidness of Afflictions unto Gods Children ; All 
tending to prepare them for, and comfort them under the Cross. By 
Michael Wigglesworth. 


[A Little Handful of Cordial Comforts for Fainting Souls: intended 
chiefly for the good of those that walk Mournfully with God. By 
R. Standfast price bound 8d.] 16mo. pp. 45. 


Titlepage wanting ; 1-45, text, " A Little Handful of | Cordial Com- 
forts for a | Fainting Soul, | Scattered throughout several Answers to 
cer- | tain Questions and Objections following." | — | , headline a line 
of border pieces, " Finis n near middle of the page ; last page blank. 

Below "Finis," in Mr. Prince's hand is written: "Mr B 
Green says — This was Priir 4 at Boston by his Br Samuel." 
The title of this tract is taken from the list of books, at the 
end of Cotton Mather's " Companion for Communicants " (Bos- 
ton, 1690) advertised as " Books Printed for, and Sold by 
Benjamin Harris, at the London-Coffee-House in Boston." 

The Pretended | Antidote | Proved | Poyson : | Or, The true Prin- 
ciples of the Christian | & Protestant Religion Defended, | And 
the Four Counterfit Defenders | thereof Detected and Discovered ; 
the | Names of which are James Allen, Joshua | Moodey, Samuel 
Willard and Cotton Mather, | who call themselves ministers of 
the Gospel | in Boston, in their pretended Answer to my | Book, 
called, The Presbyterian & Independent | Visible Churches in 
New-England, and else- j where, brought to the Test &c. And 
G. K. | cleared not to be guilty of any Calumnies | against these 
called Teachers of New Eng- | land, &c. | — | By George Keith. 
| — | With an Appendix by John Delavall, by | way of Ani- 
madversion on some Passages in a | Discourse of Cotton Mathers 
before the ge- | neral Court of Massachusets, the 28th of the | 
Third Moneth, 1690 |—|| Philadelphia, Printed by Will. Brad- 
ford, 1690. 16mo. pp. (1), 224. 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 1-22, " Introduction," followed by a rule, 
headpiece a rule ; 23-224, text, rule at end, followed by twelve lines 
of " Errata," with " The End " at foot of the page. 

On the back of the titlepage is written : " T. Prince. Boston. 
<?. 8 b . r 22. 1723. 1!6*" 


Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion. | [A line made up of five 
braces.] | Or | The Character and Happiness | Of a | Vertuous 
Woman : | in A | Discourse | Which Directs | The Female-Sex 
how to Express, | the Fear of God, in every | Age and State of 
their Life ; and | Obtain both Temporal and Eternal | Blessed- 
ness. I — I Written by Cotton Mather | — | Tertullian's advice 
for the Ornaments | of Women. | Prodite Vos jam Ornamentis 
Extractae A- | postolorum. — Yestite Yos Serico Pietatis Byssico 


| Sanctitatis Purpura Pudicitiae — Deum ha- | bebitis Amatorem. 
In English. | Go Yee forth now array'd with such Or- | naments 
as the Apostles have provided for | you ; Cloath your selves with 
the Silk of | Piety, the Satin of Sanctity, the Purple of | Modesty ; 
So the Almighty God will be [ a Lover of you | — || Cambridge : 
Printed by S. G. & | B. G. for Samuel Phillips at Boston. 1691. 
1 61110. pp. 104, (1). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso, " The Preface " ; 
3-104, "Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion | — | Or | The Char- 
acter and Happiness | of a | Vertuous Woman : | — | From the Words 
of the Wise | Woman, in | Prov. XXXI. 30. | Favour is Deceitful, and 
Beauty is Vain; | but a Woman that Feareth | the Lord, Shee 'tis 
that Shall | be Praised," followed by a rule, headpiece a line of fine 
border pieces, running headlines, "Finis" at foot of the page; 1 p. 
" Errata," four lines, between two lines of border pieces, the lower one 
inverted ; last page blank. 

["Token a England to y c children in N E : w th y e assemb 8 short 1 * Cat." 
By James Janeway.] 16mo. pp. 73-76, 95-102, 105-110, (4). 
Titlepage and pages before 73, 77 to 94, 103, 104 wanting; 73-110, 
text, running headlines; "Finis" in middle of page 110, below which 
are the following lines : — 

This worthy Divine that Published the 
fore-going Examples : Dyed March 
12. 1683 & 4. 

The same week were Published these 
Lines following, 

DEATH'S Triumph Dash'd: Or An 
ELEGY On that Faithful Servant 
Minister of the Gospel, Who Resting 
from his most ZEALOUS and PRO- 
FITABLE Labours, fell asleep in the 

4 pp. of verse, no heading, running headlines " an Elegy upon the 
Death" verso, and "of Mr. James Janeway" recto; page or pages 
wanting at end; followed in the same volume by the "Snorter Cate- 
chism," given below. 

The title of the Token, with the date of publication, is taken 
from Prince's manuscript catalogue, as the number of pages 
corresponds with those there given. Another edition was 
printed at Boston in the year 1700. 


The Shorter | Catechism | Composed by the | Reverend Assembly of 
| Divines | At Westminster. | With Proofs thereof out of the 
Scriptures. | Which are either some of the former- | ly quoted 
places, or others gathered | from their other Writings ; all fitted 
| both for Brevity & Clearness, to this | their Form of Sound 
Words. | For the Benefit of Christians in ge- | neral, and of Youth 
& Children in un- | derstanding in particular ; that they | may 
with more ease acquaint them- | selves with the Truth according 
to the | Scriptures, and with the Scriptures | themselves. | — || 
Printed by B. Harris, and J. Allen, | and are to be Sold at the 
London- | Coffee-House. 1691. 16mo. pp. 31, (3). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a line of border pieces, verso blank ; 3-31, 
" The Shorter | Catechism | Agreed upon by the Reverend Assem- | 
bly of Divines at Westminster," " Finis " near foot of the page ; 1 p. 
blank ; 3 pp. " A Short Body of Divinity," in verse, followed by a 
line " By Mr. Ford " in the middle of the page, below which is 
"Finis"; 1 p. blank. 

Just above " Finis," and under Mr. Ford's name, is the fol- 
lowing writing, here given in fac-simile : — 

The inscription was probably made by Prince himself when 
a boy of seven years. On the blank page at the end of the 
volume are the words " For Brother John," and " John Prince 
His Book." 


A Table of the Courts. 12mo. 1 p. 

Heading in Old English ; text in two columns, separated by a per- 
pendicular rule ; followed at the end of the second column by an 


THere is now in the Press, 
and will speedily be Pub- 
lished all the Acts and Laws, 
Passed by the Great & General 
Court, begun at Boston the 8th 
day of June, 1692. & continued 


by adjournment unto Wednesday 
the 12th of October following: 
being the Second Sessions. 
Printed § sold by Benja. Harris. 


Cases of Conscience | Concerning evil | Spirits | Personating Men, | 
Witchcrafts, infallible Proofs of | Guilt in such as are accused | 
with that Crime. | All Considered according to the Scriptures, 
I History, Experience, and the Judgment | of many Learned 
men. | — | By Increase Mather, President of Harvard | Colledge 
at Cambridge, and Teacher of | a Church at Boston in New-Eng- 
land I — I [Two lines from Prov. xxii. 21.] | — | [Five lines of 
Latin.] I — || Boston Printed, and Sold by Benjamin | Harris at 
the Loudon Coffee-House. 1693. 16mo. pp. (1), (4), 67, (7). 
Titlepage, surrounded by two border lines, verso blank ; 4 pp. " Chris- 
tian Reader," headpiece a line of border pieces, signed by 
William Hubbard John Bailey 

Samuel Phillips Jabez Fox 

Charles Morton Joseph Gerrish 

James Allen Samuel Angier 

Michael Wigglesworth John Wise 
Samuel Whiting Sen. Joseph Capen 

Samuel Willard Nehemiah Walter 

1-67, "Cases of Conscience | Concerning | Witchcrafts," dated at 
foot of page 67 "Boston, New-England, Octob. 3. 1692," headpiece a 
line of border pieces, running headlines, has footnotes ; 7 pp. " The 
Contents " followed on the middle of the third page after a rule by 
" Postscript," headlines, " Finis " at foot of the page. 

Judge Sewall in his Diary (I. 367), under date of October 11, 
1692, has the following entry in regard to this publication: — 

Read Mr. Willard's Epistle to Mr. Mather's book, as to Cases of 
Conscience touching Witchcraft. 

Without much doubt this was Mr. Mather's first printed 
work after his return from England in the spring of 1692, 
when presumably he brought back to Boston a portrait of 
himself, which was engraved by Robert White, an English 
artist. An impression from the engraving is bound up with 
the tract as a frontispiece, and bears the following legend: — 
Crescentius Matherus. I .iEtatis Suae 49. 1688. 


For an article on Mather Portraits, see the Proceedings 
(second series, VIII. 143-151) of this Society for March, 1893. 

The Day, & the Work of the Day. | — | A Brief Discourse, | on | 
What Fears, we may have at | This Time to quicken us ; | What 
Hopes there are for us at | this Time to comfort us : | and | What 
Prayers would be Likely to | turn our Fears into Hopes. | 
With | Reflections upon Time and State, | now come upon the 
Church | of God, | And | Collections of certain Prophesies | re- 
lating to the present Circum- | stances of New-England. | 
Uttered on a Fast, kept in | Boston, July 6th. 1693. | — | By 
Cotton Mather. | — || Boston Printed and Sold by B. | Harris, 
1693. 16mo. pp. (1), 71, (1). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank; 1-71, text, 
" The Day, and the Work of the Day. | — | Discoursed on a Day of 
Prayer kept | in the Old-Meeting-House, at Bo- | ston, the 6th day 
of the 5 m. | 1693," followed by a rule, headpiece a line of border 
pieces with four semicolons inserted, running headlines, " Finis " at 
foot of page 71 ; 1 p. " Advertisement" of "The Great Blessing of 
Primitive Counsellours," by " Increase Mather," which is "now in the 
Press, and will speedily be Published," " Sold by Benjamin Harris, 
over-against the Old-Meeting-House in Boston," headpiece, a line 
of border pieces. 

On the back of the titlepage is written: " T. Prince. Boston. 
21. 10 br 19. 723. DRA." The paper, used in the binding on 
the inside of the cover, shows the following words and letters 
in large size, perhaps a part of the imprint of a broadside : — 

« NEW— E[ . . . ] | — | Printed [ . . . ] | C H [ . . . ] " 

Cotton Mather, in his Diary for 1693, has the following 
entry : — 

Moreover, A Fast was kept in y e old-meeting-house y e Day after 
y e Comencement [July 5] : occasioned by an extreme Drought on these 
parts. I preached all the Day, and God inclined some of His people, 
to print the Sermons. They are abroad, under y e Title, of, The Day 
& y e work of y e Day. 

Who am I, that God should thus use & spread my poor Thoughts, 
for y e good of my whole generation ? 

The | Library | of | The Late Reverend and Learned | Mr. Samuel 
Lee. | Containing | A Choice Variety of Books upon all Sub- 
jects ; particularly, Comen- | taries on the Bible ; Bodies of 



Divinity. The Works as well of the | Ancient, as of the Modern 
Divines ; Treatises on the Mathematicks, | in all Parts : History, 
Antiquities ; Natural Philosophy Physick, and | Chymistry ; 
With Grammar and School-Books | With many more Choice 
Books not mentioned in this Catalogue. | — | Exposed at the 
most Easy Rates, to Sale, By Duncan Cambell, Book- | seller 
at the Dock-head over-against the Conduit. | — | [Nine border 
pieces arranged in the form of a square, centred.] || Boston Printed 
for Duncan Cambell Book-seller at the Dock-head over-gainst | 
the Conduit. 1693. 12mo. pp. (1), 16. 
Titlepage, verso blank; 1, 2, "Latin Folio's Divinity"; 2, 3, 
" Quarto's Latin " ; 3, 4, " Octavo's Latin " ; 4, 5, " English Quarto's 
Divinity"; 5, 6, "Divinity English Octavo's"; 6, " Physical Books 
Folio," " Phisical Books in Quarto " ; 6, 7, " Phisical Books in 
Octavo Latin " ; 7, 8, " Philosophy Folio's " ; 8, " Philosophy Quar- 
to's Latin," " Philosophy in Octavo " ; 8, 9, " Mathematical, Astrolo- 
gical and Astronomical Folio's Latin " ; 9, " Quartos," " English," 
"Astronomy English Quarto's"; 9, 10, "History Folio Latin:"; 
10, "Histories in Folio English"; 1], "Histories in Octavo Eng- 
lish," "Histories in Quarto Latin"; 11, 12, "Histories in Octavo 
Latin : " ; 12, " School Authors in Folio," " School Authors in Quarto," 
" School Authors in Octavo "; 12, 13, "Juris Prudentia Libr." ; 13, 
"Misellanie Beoks " ; 13, 14, "Box 21 Lat : Oct."; 14-16, "Box 
22 Latin Octavo's." Headlines as follows : — 2, " Divinity Latin 
Folio's and Quart's " ; 3, " Divinity Quarto's Latin " ; 4, " Divinity 
English Folio's and Quarto's " ; 5, " Divinity English Quarto's and 
Octavo's " ; 6, " Divinity Quarto's English & Phisical Books in Folio 
& Quarto Lat." ; 7, " Phisick Books Latin Octavo, and Philosophy 
Folio " ; 8, " Philosophy Quarto & Octavo Gosmograh : and Geo- 
graph. Folio " ; 9, " Mathematical, Astrological, Astronomical, Folio's, 
Quarto's Latin"; 10, "History Latin and English. Folio"; 11, 
" Histories Octavo English. Histories Quarto and Octavo Latin " ; 
12, " Histories in Octavo Latin, School Authors Folio's & Quarto's 
Latin"; 13, " Miscelany Books Latin Octavo's"; 14-16, "Latin 
Octavo's"; "Finis" below middle of the page. 

This Catalogue contains a list of books previously belonging 
to a New England minister, and offered for sale by a book- 
seller in Boston more than two hundred years ago. Consider- 
able interest attaches to the pamphlet from the fact that 
probably it is the earliest instance in New England of a printed 
catalogue of books advertised for sale. About 1,000 titles, 
mostly in Latin, are given ; and of these perhaps 200 are in 
English, which include not more than six or eight American 


ones. The books are arranged in the pamphlet both by sub- 
jects and sizes (folios, quartos, etc.), but without date or place 
of publication ; and the general character of the works is 
furnished by the titlepage. 

Presumably the following bore American imprints : — 

" A Psalm Book " ; " A New England Confession of Faith " ; 
" Mather's Mystery of Christ " ; u Higginson's Legacy of 
Peace " ; " The Shorter Catechism with Exposition upon the 
same " ; " Hubbard's benefit of a well Ordered Conversation " ; 
and perhaps a few others. 

In Part I. of the Brinley catalogue of books which were 
sold in New York, on March 10-15, 1879, title No. 1669 is a 
catalogue of the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton's library adver- 
tised to be sold by auction in Boston, on July 2, 1717 ; and 
between quotation marks it is said in a note to be " perhaps 
the first instance in New England of a printed catalogue of 
Books at auction," though no authority is given for the quoted 
paragraph. It will be noticed in the case of the Pemberton 
library that the sale was by auction, while in the other case 
the books were sold over the counter. Keeping in mind this 
difference in the manner of selling the two libraries, the state- 
ment may be correct. 

The border pieces used on the titlepage above the imprint 
are similar to those often seen in the issues of Green's press, 
whether coming from the father in Cambridge, or from either 
of the sons in Boston ; but very rarely seen in the issues of 
other printers, such as Pierce, Harris, or Allen. Under the 
imprint, near the bottom of the page, in Mr. Prince's well- 
known handwriting, appears the following : "Mr B Green 
says — This was Prind by his Broth Samuel's Letter, in Bos- 
ton." Bartholomew Green was a printer, as well as his 
brother Samuel who died in July, 1690. Probably the mean- 
ing of the sentence is that Bartholomew using his brother's 
type printed the catalogue, as at the date of its publication he 
had a press in Boston. It is interesting to note the use of the 
word " letter" in the sense of " type," which was not uncom- 
mon in those early times. 

For a paper on early Book Catalogues, see the Proceedings 
(second series, X. 540-547) of this Society for April, 1896. 



Mrs. Judith Hull, | Of Boston, in N. E. Daughter of | Mr. Edmund 
Quincey ; late Wife of | John Hvll Esq. deceased. | A Diligent, 
Constant, Fruitfull Reader | and Hearer of the Word of God, | 
Rested from her Labours, June, 22. 1695. | being the seventh 
day of the Week, a little | before Sun set ; just about the time 
She I used to begin the Sabbath. | Anno iEtatis suae 69. 16mo. 
Heading with a heavy rule above and below, followed by " Epitaph " 

and ten lines of verse, with another heavy rule at the foot of the leaf. 

Mr. Prince, in his manuscript catalogue, says that this was 
" By Hon b Samuel Sewall Esq," but gives neither date nor 
place of imprint. Judge Sewall writes to Edward Hull on 
July 22, 1695: "Shall send you a small Remembrance of 
Mother Hull p Mr. Sergeant" (Letter Book, I. 156) ; and on 
July 16, 1705, he says : "I gave him [Barnabas Lothrop] Mr. 
Cotton Mather's sermon of the Lord's Day, and Letter to 
Gov r Ashurst about the Indians, Mother Hull's Epitaph" 
(Diary, II. 134). 

This copy is pasted on the inside of the front cover of 
Samuel Willard's "Mourner's Cordial" (Boston, 1691). 

Mrs. Judith Hull, | [half-title same as the preceding one]. 16mo. 1 p. 
The rules in this edition of the leaflet are lighter than those in the 
earlier one ; two lines of verse have been added, and two corrections 
made by the printer. 

This print is bound up with " The Answer of several min- 
isters in and near Boston," attributed to Increase Mather; 
and the copy in the Library of the American Antiquarian 
Society is bound in the same way. 

Solemn Advice | to | Young Men, | Not to Walk in the Wayes of 
I their Heart, and in the Sight | of their Eyes ; but to Remem- 
ber I the Day of Judgment. | — | By Increase Mather, | Praesi- 
dent of Harvard Colledge in | Cambridge, & Preacher of the 
Gospel I at Boston, in New=England. | — | [Three lines from 
Psalms lxxi. 17 ; and two lines from Eccles. xii. 1.] | — || 
Boston in New=England, | Printed by Bartholomew Green. | Sold 
by Samuel Phillips, at | the Brick Shop near the Old- | Meeting- 
House. 1695. 16mo. pp. Ill, (1). 


Titlepage, surrounded by two border lines, verso blank ; 2 pp. il To 
the | Young Generation, | in New-England," headpiece a line of 
border pieces, catchword on second page between two rules ; 5-63, 
"Solemn Advice to Young Men | — | Ecclesiastes 11. 9," headpiece 
two lines of border pieces, running headlines, catchword on page 63 
between two rules ; 1 p. verso blank; 65-111, " The hatefull Evil | of 
| Sin, | Discoursed of in | A Sermon, Shewing that Sin Unrepented 
of will be [ bitterness in the Latter End. | — | Psalm. XXXVI. 
11," headpiece a line of border pieces, "Finis" at foot of the page; 
1 p. u Advertisement " of " several Treatises prepared for the Press," 
A Discourse concerning the Glorious State of the Church, Answer to 
Mr. Baxter, Dr. Lightfoot, and others, A Treatise concerning the 
Nature, &c. [Angelographia], by Increase Mather, A Discourse con- 
cerning Judicial Hardness of Heart, by I. Mather, and A Good Master 
well Served, by Cotton Mather, headpiece a line of similar border 
pieces, followed at foot of page by two lines of " Errata." 

Province of 

tlje JHa00acf)U- [A cut of the arms of Great Britain.] 
By the Honorable, the Lieutenant | Governour, &c. | Council & 
Assembly: | Convened at Boston, upon Wednesday the 27th. of 
May. 1696. | In the Eighth Year of His Majesties Reign. | For 
better Encouragement to Prosecute the French and Indian Enemy, 
&c. No imprint. Broadside. Folio. 
Half-title followed by text; an order, to be in force for six months, 
to encourage enlistments by offering in addition to " Fifty Pounds Per 
Head for every Indian man, and Twenty five Pounds Per Head, for 
any Indian Woman or Child, Male or Female, under the Age of Four- 
teen Years, taken or brought in Prisoner," wages, provisions, and 
ammunition " for so long time as they are seeking or pursuing said 
Enemy " ; and " upon an Alarm or Attack " on the Frontier, neigh- 
boring towns to receive no wages unless they " shall have pursued the 
Enemy farther than they may reasonably return in twenty four Hours " ; 
signed by " Isaac Addington, Seer." and by " William Stoughton." 


The Bostonian Ebenezer. | — | Some | Historical Remarks, | On the 
State of I Boston, | The Chief Town of New=England, | and of 
the English America. | With Some, | Agreeable Methods, | for | 
Preserving and Promoting, the Good | State of That, as well as 


any | other Town, in the like Circumstances. | — | Humbly 
Oifer'd, By a Native of Boston. | — | [Two lines from Ezek. 
xlviii. 35.] | — || Boston, Printed by B. Green & J. Allen, for | 
Samuel Phillips, at the Brick Shop. 161)8. 16mo. pp. 82. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso five lines of Latin, 
between two lines of border pieces, the lower one inverted ; 3-43, 
"The History of Boston, | Related and Improved | — | At Boston 
Lecture 7. d. 2. m. 1698," followed by a rule, remainder of first page 
an introductory statement, headpiece a line of border pieces, page 4, 
et seq., beginning with text from 1 Sam. vii. 12, headpiece a line of 
border pieces, catchword on page 43 between two lines of border pieces 
the lower one inverted ; 44-82, " Household Religion, | Recom- 
mended, for the Preservation | of our Houses | — | At Boston Lec- 
ture. 26. d. 7. m. 1695," followed by a rule, text from Job xxii. 23, 
headpiece a line of border pieces, " Finis " at foot of the page. 

This discourse is by Cotton Mather who, under date of 
April 7, 1698, writes in his Diary : — 

The Lord having Helped mee, beyond my Expectation, in preparing 
a Discourse for y e Lecture, Hee yett more gloriously Helped mee, in 
uttering of it, unto a Vast Assembly of His people. 

I first Laid my sinful mouth in y e Dust on my Study-floor before 
the Lord, where I cast myself, in my supplications for His Assistence 
and Acceptance, as utterly unworthy thereof. But y e Lord, made my 
sinful mouth, to become this Day, y e Trumpett of His glory ; and y e 
Hearts of y e Inhabitants, of y e Town, were strangely moved, by what 
was Delivered among them. 

A Copy of the Discourse, was much desired ; so I gave it unto y e 
Bookseller ; Entituling it, The Bostonian Ebenezer. And I added 
another unto it, Entituled, Household Religion. 


A I Confession | of | Faith | Owned and consented unto by the | 
Elders & Messengers | of the Churches | Assembled at Boston 
in New England, | May 12. 1680. | Being the Second Session of 
that I Synod. | — | [One line from Eph. iv. 5 ; two lines from 
Col. ii. 5.] I — || Boston. | Re-printed by Bartholomew Green, 
and I John Allen. 1699. 

[Indian title.] 

Wunnamptamoe | Sampooaonk | Wussampoowontamun | Nashpe 
moeuvvehko- | munganash ut | New-England. | Qushkenumun 
en Indiane | Unnontowaonganit- | — | Nashpe | Grindal Rawson, 


&c. | — | [One line of Indian from Eph. iv. 5 ; two lines of 
Indian from Col. ii. 5.] | — || Mushauwomuk. | Printeuun Nashpe 
Bartholomew Green, Kah | John Allen. 1699. 16mo. pp. (2), 
(11), 161, (4). 
First page blank, titlepage in English on verso, surrounded by a 
line of border pieces ; 1 p. titlepage in Indian, recto, the verso blank, 
surrounded by a similar line of border pieces; 11 pp. "The Epistle 
Dedicatory | — | To the Honorable | William Stoughton Esq. | Lieu- 
tenant Governour of His | Majesties Province of the Massachusetts- | 
Bay in New England. | And | To the Reverend | Increase Mather 
D.D. | Teacher of the Second Church of Christ | in Boston, and Presi- 
dent of Harvard | Colledge in Cambridge," signed by " G. Rawson," and 
dated "From my Chamber in | Brantrey, Nov. 4. 1699," headpiece 
two rules, headlines; 1 p. verso blank ; 1 p. bastard titles, " A Con- 
fession of | Faith," and " Wunnamptamoe | Sampooaonk," separated 
by a line of border pieces, with a line of similar border pieces above 
and below, the lower one inverted; 2-161, "A | Confession | of | 
Faith "| — | , headpiece a line of eleven border pieces, heading on 
page 3 "Wunnamptamoe | Sampooaonk" | — | , headpiece a line of 
similar border pieces, verso pages in English, and recto pages in 
Indian, both with corresponding headlines; verso of page 161 and 3 
pp., " A Table of the Chapters in the Confessi- | on of Faith," second 
page, recto, "A Tablee Chaptersash yeu at Sampooae | Wunnamp- 
tamooonganit," headpiece on both pages a line of border pieces, Eng- 
lish on the verso, and Indian on the recto, "Finis" at the foot of 
each page ; last page blank. 

On the back of the Indian titlepage is written : " T. Prince. 
Boston. July. 1720. | 1? 6." This collation takes the place of 
one previously given in the Early American Imprints, which 
is incomplete. 

Judge Sewall in his Letter Book (I. 233), under date of 
May 3, 1700, says : " The Savoy-Confession of Faith, Engl, on 
one side and Indian on the other, has been lately printed 
here ; as also several Sermons of the Presidents have been 
Transcribed into Indian, and printed, Which I hope in God's 
Time will have a very good Effect." 

Heaven | Opened, | Or, A Brief and Plain | Discovery | Of the | 
Riches | Of Gods Covenant of | Grace. | Being the | Third Part 
of Vindiciae Pietatis. | — | By R. A. | — || Boston in New- 
England. | Re-Printed by Bartholomew Green, & John Allen, | 
for Elkanah Pembrooke, and Sold at his Shop, | near the head of 
the Dock. 1699. 16mo. pp. (1), (4), 360. 


Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 2 pp. " To 
the | Reader," signed by " R. A.," and dated "July 8th. | 1665," head- 
piece a line of border pieces, headline on the second page; 2 pp. 
"The Contents," headpiece a line of border pieces, headline on the 
second page, rule at the end ; 1-360, " Heaven Opened, | Or, | A brief 
and plain Discovery of the Riches | of Gods Covenant of Grace | The 
Introduction," headpiece a line of border pieces, " Finis " between two 

This book was written by Richard Alleine (1611-1681), 
an English Nonconformist, and was originally published in 

Decennium Luctuosum | — | An | History | of | Remarkable Occur- 
rences, | In the Long | War, | Which | New-England hath had 
with the | Indian Salvages, | From the Year, 1688. | To the Year, 
1698. | Faithfully Composed and Improved. | — | [One line of 
Latin.] | — || Boston in New-England. | Printed by B. Green, 
and J. Allen, for Samuel Phillips, | at the Brick Shop near the 
Old-Meeting-House. 1699. 16mo. pp. 198. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank; 3-10, "The 
Dedication. | — | To the | People | of | New-England. | Sirs," head- 
lines, catchword on page 10 between two rules ; 11-198, text, " Decen- 
nium Luctuosum. | Or, | The Remarkables of a long | War ] with 
Indian-Salvages," followed by a rule, headpiece a line of border 
pieces, running headlines, catchword "Observable" on page 198 be- 
tween two rules ; followed by " Observable Things," given below. 

Observable Things | — | The | History ] of | Ten Years | Rolled 
away under the great | Calamities of | A War, ] With | Indian- 
Salvages : | Repeated and Improved, in a Sermon, | at Boston- 
Lecture. 27 d. 7 m. 1698. | — | [Four lines from Judges vi. 
3, 5, 6.] | — || Boston, Printed for Samuel Phillips, at the Brick 
| Shop. 1699. Pp. (2), 201-254, (1). 
Titlepage, verso, "Preface"; 201-254, "The | Remarkeables | of a 
long War, | Collected and Improved. | — | Boston Lecture, 27 d. 7 m. 
1698," followed by a rule, headpiece two rules, headlines, "Finis" 
near the middle of the page between two rules, followed by " Errata," 
fifteen lines ; 1 p. "Advertisement" that "There will speedily be Pub- 
lished, a Little Book, much desired and Expected," entitled " A Family 
well-ordered," by Cotton Mather ; last page verso blank. 

This book, which includes the last two titles, was written 
by Cotton Mather, and is reprinted at the end of his Magnalia 


(Book VII. 57-118). Some of the pages in this copy have 
been neatly supplied by tracing. Mather, in his Diary for the 
year 1698, writes : — 

In the Month of August, I sett myself to Consider on Some Further 
& Special Services for the Name of my Lord Jesus Christ. And I 
foresaw a very Comprehensive one to bee done, first, in Collecting and 
Improving the observable Dispensations of God, w ch have occurred, in 
the Long War, which wee have had with o r Indian Salvages, & uttering 
my Observations, in a Sermon or Two, at o r Countrey-Lecture : And, 
then, in composing as agreeable an History of o r Indian- War as I 
can, and Incorporating into it, as charming & useful entertainments 
for y e Countrey, as I may think upon : so, Resigning myself up to y e 
Conduct of the Spirit of Grace, I sett about y e Service thus before 
mee ; hoping within a few weeks time, in y e midst of my other under- 
takings, to dispatch it, for y e glory of my Heavenly Lord. 

The work being accomplished, I putt upon it, the Title of, Decen- 
nium Luctuosum. It is filled with a great Variety of Things, con- 
trived as well as I can together, for y e Glory of my Lord Jesus Christ, 
and y e welfare of His people, throughout y e Land. 

O my God, I Exceedingly give Thanks to thy Name, for the Help 
thou hast given mee, in Dispatching this work ! 


The Blessed | Hope, | And the Glorious Appearing of the | Great God 
our Saviour, | Jesus Christ. | Opened & Applied, | In Several | 
Sermons. | — | By Increase Mather, | Praesident of Harvard 
Colledge in Cambridge, | and Preacher of the Gospel, at Boston, 
in N. E. I — I [Five lines from 2 Tim. iv. 8; and four lines from 
1 Peter i. 13."] | — || Boston, Printed by Timothy Green, for 
Nicholas | Boone, at his Shop over against the Old- | Meeting- 
House. 1701. 16mo. pp. 142. 
Titlepage surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 1 p." To the | 
Reader," dated at foot of page in place of signature, " Decemb. 18. j 
1700," headpiece two rules ; 1 p. " Advertisement " of " Conscience 
the Best Friend upon Earth," by Henry Stubbs, " The Resolved 
Christian," and " The Good Linguist," both by Cotton Mather, " Sold 
by Nicholas Boone," followed by a rule; 5-142, text, "The Blessed 
Hope I And Glorious Appearing of | Jesus Christ," followed by a rule, 
headpiece two rules, running headlines, followed by " Finis " between 
two rules, below which is a list of " Errata " in five lines. 

On the fly-leaf preceding the titlepage is written: "Abi- 
gail I Leonard Her | Book June | The 12 | 1712." 



A | Collection, | Of Some | Of the Many | Offensive | Matters, | Con- 
tained in a j Pamphlet, | entituled, | The Order of the Gospel Re- 
vived. | — | [One line of Latin ; and two lines of English 
translation.] | — || Printed at Boston, Sold by T. Green. 1701. 
16mo. pp. 24. 
Titlepage, verso and 2 pp. " To the | Reader " signed by " Increase 
Mather," and dated " Boston, December 31, | 1700/' followed by a rule, 
headpiece a line of thirteen border pieces, headlines ; 5-20, text, dated 

" 11. m. 6. d. 17 ai* followed by a rule, headpiece two rules; 21-24, 

u A | Short Scheme of the [ Plot | Against the Churches of New- 
England | As 'tis Confessed by some of the Plotters, in | that which 
the Publisher pleases to call, | their Great, and Noble, and Excellent 
work, | Entituled, Gospel Order Revived," " Finis," following a rule. 

Mr. Sibley puts this title in the list of Increase Mather's 
works ; but Cotton Mather in his Diary, under date of Janu- 
ary 2, 1700-01, says : — 

Moreover, The Adversaries to the Holy Churches of the Lord, hav- 
ing been by the wonderful Hand of Heaven upon them, so Infatuated, 
as to publish a Book of Scurrilities & Impieties, which renders them 
abominable to all sober people, I thought it would be a service unto 
the churches, and Assist & Excite the Faithful, to bear their Testi- 
monies for the Churches, if I should, even on their own words Draw 
up, a Scheme of their Plott against y e Churches, and annex a brief col- 
lection of the Vile Things in their Book against my Father & my- 
self, barely to Recite which is enough to Refute them. Accordingly I 
did so ; and it was published under the Title of, A Collection op 
Some of the many Offensive Passages, in a Late Pamphlet, 
Entituled, Gospel-order Revived. 

The Everlasting Gospel. | — | The Gospel of | Justification | By the 
| Righteousness of God ; | as 'tis | Held and Preach'd in the 
Churches | of New-England : Expressed in | a Brief Discourse 
on that | Important Article ; made at Boston | in the Year, 1699. 
| — | By Cotton Mather. | — | And, | Asserted with the Attes- 
tations, of | several Reverend and Eminent | Persons, now most 
con- | siderable in those | Churches. | — || Boston, Printed by B. 
Green, and J. Allen, for | Nicholas Buttolph, and Sold at his 
Shop | at the corner of Gutteridges Coffee- | House. 1700. 
lGino. pp. (32), 76. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso, "The Memorable 
words of Luther, | before he Engaged in the | Reformation," followed 


by eleven lines of Latin, a line of border pieces above and below ; 15 
pp. "The Dedication." | — | To | The Reverend Ministers | Of the 
Gospel in | London, | Sometimes Honoured with the Name | of United 
Brethren. | Reverend, and Honoured Syrs," signed by "Your Un- 
worthy Servant, | Cotton Mather," headpiece a line of border pieces, 
headlines, catchword on the last page between two rules ; 2 pp. " To 
the Reader," signed by " Increase Mather," headpiece a line of border 
pieces, headline on the second page, catchword on the same page, be- 
tween two rules; 9 pp. " To the Reader," signed by "John Higgin- 
son," and dated "September 28. | 1699," headpiece a line of border 
pieces, headlines, catchword on the last page between two rules ; 
4 pp. " To the Reader," signed by " Samuel Willard," headpiece as 
before, headlines, catchword as before ; 1-73, " The Everlasting | 
Gospel. [ — | Rom. I. 17. | The Righteousness of God is Revealed | 
from Faith to Faith," dated at the end "Boston Lecture: 27. d. 5. 
m. | and 24. d. 6. m. 1699, headpiece a line of border pieces, "Finis" 
between two rules; 74-76, "Divine Hymns," four in all, head- 
piece a line of border pieces, a rule at end of the last page. 

On the back of the titlepage, in his own hand, is written : 
" T. Prince, his Book, 1? 6 d " 

The Fear of an Oath. | — | Or, Some Cautions to be used | About | 
Swearing, | If we would approve our selves Truly | Godly. | As 
it was Discoursed in a | Sermon, | Preached at Boston, on the 
Lecture; | January 30. 1700, 1. | — | By Samuel Willard, | 
Teacher of a Church in Boston. | — | [Three lines of Latin.] | — - 
|| Boston, in N. E. Printed for | Nicholas Boone, at his Shop, over 
| against the Old Meeting House. | 1701. 16mo. pp. 29, (2). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 3-29, text, 
'* The Fear of an Oath. | Or, | Some Cautions to be used about Swear- 
ing, | if we would approve our selves truly Godly, | — | Eccles. ix. 2 | 
As he that Feareth an Oath," headpiece two rules, headlines, " Finis " 
at foot of the page ; 1 p. verso, " Books Printed for and Sold by 
Nicholas Boone, | over-against the Old Church, Viz.," Janeway's Token 
for Children, The Good Linguist, by Cotton Mather, Conscience the 
Best Friend, by H. Stubbs, The Blessed Hope, by Increase Mather, 
and Military Discipline or the Compleat Souldier, also " Stich't 
Books," Grace Triumphant, The Great Physitian, The Young Mans 
Monitor, &c. by Cotton Mather, "Where also may be had good 
Bibles, | Testaments, Psalm-Books, Psalters, Primers, | Catechisms, 
&c. | All sorts of Old Books New bound. | Paper, Ink, Pens, Paper- 
Books. | And most sorts of Stationers Ware," headpiece a line of 
border pieces ; 1 p. " Advertisement " of " Mutual Love and Peace," 


by B. Wadsworth, " lately Published," and sold by Benjamin Eliot 
under the west end of the Town-House, headpiece a line of eleven 
border pieces ; last page blank. 

Judge Sewall in his Diary (II. 32), under date of January 
30, 1700-01, enters the following : — 

Jan? 30. Mr. Willard preaches from Eccles. 9. 2. — he that swear- 
eth and he that feareth an Oath. Spake very closely against the many 
ways of Swearing amiss. 

And in the Letter Book (I. 253), under date of March 15, 
lie says, in the memorandum of a letter to Edward Taylor, 
of Westfield: — 

Enclosed Mr. Willards Sermon against Swearing preached the day 
of Mr. [James] Taylors death : might partly asswage his grief. 

A Monitory, and Hortatory | Letter, | To those English, who debauch 
the | Indians, | By Selling | Strong Drink unto them. | — | 
Written at the Desire of some Christians, | to whom the Mischiefs 
arising from that | Vile Trade, are matters of much Apprehension 
| and Lamentation. | — | [Fourteen lines of Latin.] | — || Bos- 
ton, N. E. Printed in the Year 1700. 1 6mo. pp. 16. 
Titlepage, verso " To E. B. Esq." [Edward Bromfield], headpiece 
a line of border pieces ; 3-16, text, " To the | English, who Ruine the 
Indians, by Selling | Strong Drink unto them," followed by a rule, 
signed " A Mourner for your Sin, | and a wisher of your | Salvation," 
headpiece two rules. 

This tract was written by Cotton Mather. In his Diary, 
under date of March 16, 1699-1700, he says : — 

Moreover, A Gentleman comes to mee, with a Desire, that I would 
write a Sheet upon the horrid Evil of Debauching y s Indians, by 
Selling Drink unto y m - a crime committed by too many in y e countrey ; 
a crime fruitful in wickedness & confusion ; I answered his Desire ; 
and it is published under y e Title of, A Monitory & Hortatory 
Letter, unto those English, who debauch the Indians, by selling Strong 
Drink unto them. It seems, This Letter is like to do more Good, than 
I at first Imagined. 

[A cut of the arms of Great Britain.] 

IPtobmre of tlje ilas- 

gsncrjiisctts-Bai/ in 


By the Honorable, | William Stoughton Esq. | Lieutenant Governour 
and Commander in Chief, I of the said Province. I A Proclama- 


tion. [Imprint at foot of page] Boston, Printed by Bartholomew 
Green, and John Allen, Printers to the | Governour and Council. 
1701. Broadside. Folio. 
Half-title, followed by text ; all military officers required to " see 
that there be a strict Execution of the Act, For Regulating of the Mili- 
tia," and also the Selectmen of each town " forthwith to take effectual 
care and see that the several Towns whereto they belong, be duely and 
well provided with all Stores of War as by Law are required " ; the 
proclamation "Given . . . Twentieth day of March . . . 1700, 1"; 
signed by "William Stoughton " and "Isaac Addington Seer.," fol- 
lowed by the words " God Save the King," a rule, and the imprint. 

Reasonable Religion. | — | Or, | The Truth Of the | Christian | Re- 
ligion. | Demonstrated. | The Wisdom of its Precepts | Justified : 
| And the Folly of Sinning against those | Precepts, Reprehended. 
| With | Incontestable Proofs, | That Men, who would Act. | 
Reasonably, must Live Religiously | — | By Cotton Mather | 
■ — || Boston, in N. E. Printed by T. Green, | for Benjamin Eliot, 
at his Shop, | under the West End of the Town- | House. 1700. 
16mo. pp. (1), 72. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank; 1-72, text, 
"■ Reasonable Religion. | — | Isa. XLVI. 8. | Shew your selves Men," 
headpiece a line of five border pieces, headlines, " Finis " at foot of 
the page. 

Cotton Mather in his Diary, under date of July 20, 1700, 

writes : — 

Moreover, Having Seriously Considered how useful it might be, 
especially to some sorts of people, and wanting a Little Book, to leave 
in y e Families of my Neighb r s, where I make my Pastoral Visits, I 
was willing to give the Publick, a brief Discourse, Demonstrating to 
Reason, the Truth of the Christian Religion, and how Reasonable a 
thing tis, to Conform unto the Precepts of it, and what worse than 
Bruitish Folly is discovered in Sinning against those precepts. Ac- 
cordingly I gave such a Discourse unto the Bookseller, under the Title 
of, Reasonable Religion ; Resolving to disperse the Books where I 
come, at Least after y e rate of Two per week. 

A Remedy against | Despair. | Or | A Brief Discourse wherein Great 

| Sinners are Encouraged, and | Directed how to improve the | 

consideration of the Greatness | of their Sins in Praying | to 

God for Pardon. | Being | The Substance of Two Sermons | 

Preached at the Lecture in Boston, 1699. | — | By Samuel 


Willard, Teacher | of a Church there | — | [Two lines from 

Isaiah xliii. 25.] | — | [Two lines of Latin.] | — || Boston, 

Printed by B. Green, and J. Allen. | Sold by S. Phillips at the 

Brick Shop. 1700. 16mo. pp. (1), 70. 

Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 1-70, text, 

"A Remedy against | Despair | — | Psal. XXV. 11. | For thy Name 

sake, O Lord, pardon mine ] Iniquity : for it is great," headpiece 

a line of ten border pieces, running headlines, " Finis " at foot of the 

page between two rules. 

On the back of the titlepage is written in his own hand, 
" T. Prince " ; and on the fly-leaf preceding it, " Ruth Chip- 
man her I book." 

A | Testimony, | to the | Order of the Gospel, | In the Churches of 

| New-England. | Left in the Hands of the Churches, | — | By 

the two most Aged Ministers of the Gospel, | yet Surviving in the 

Countrey | — | [Two lines from Luke xxi. 13; and four lines 

from Rom. xvi. 17.] | — || Boston, Printed and Sold by Timothy 

Green | 1701. 16mo. pp. (1), 15. 

Titlepage, verso blank ; 1-11, " A | Testimony | To the Order of 

the Gospel, in the Churches | of New-England : Left in the Hands 

of the | Churches, by the two most Aged Ministers | of the Gospel, 

yet surviving in the Countrey " | — | , signed by " John Higginson," 

and " William Hubbard," catchword on page 11 below a rule; 12-15, 

" Postscript, " signed in the same way ; " Finis " at foot of the page 

below a rule; last page blank. 

Cotton Mather in his Diary, under date of February 12, 
1700-01, writes: — 

The Lord putt it into y e Hearts of my Friends, to entreat of Him, 
That my Father & myself might not be Left alone in o r Testimony 
to y e Order of the Gospel, in o r Churches, but that He would Raise 
the Spirits of some other Faithful Ministers to Second us. 

Now, I had Lately proposed unto y e Two most Aged Ministers yett 
surviving in y e Countrey, A Testimony to the Order of the 
Gospel; and suggested y e good consequences of their Emitting it. 
God perswaded them ; and This Day I received it from them, Signed 
by their Aged Hands : which accordingly I forthwith printed, and so 
sent it abroad into all ye Land. If ye Lord smile upon this Action, it 
will be attended with an Incredible Benefit. 

Under date of March 14, 1700-01, he writes : — 


This Day again, I had the company of my Six Friends with me, 
at my Study, Engaged in the Duties of Prayer, with Fasting, on 
y e same occasions that thus employ'd us a month ago. 

And on this Day again, we received a Remarkable Answer of 

Those Absurd & wicked men, who are the Adversaries of y e churches, 
made a grievous clamour, against the Testimony given by y e two Aged 
Servants of Christ, unto ye Order of the Gospel among us, which we 
received a month ago, as if it were None of Theirs but a meer Trick 
of mine ; and y e Speaker of the House of Representatives particularly 
managed a peece of malice in ye House, to affront y e Testimony, on 
that Suggestion ; and they went on to Rail and Lye with some further 
calumnies : But God putt it into ye Heart of y e Reverend Old M r Hig- 
ginson, to write a Letter unto y e Deputies of ye Province now Assem- 
bled, wherein he solemnly declared y e Testimony signed by him, to 
be his own Deliberate Act and Deed, and then added his Reasons for 
Emitting such a Testimony, w ch Reasons were weighty & Awful, & 
full of Spirit. This Letter was delivered on This Day: and upon 
ye Delivery of it, the Deputies Voted Thanks, to the two Old Gentle- 
men, for their Testimony. Thus y e Adversaries of y e Churches, have 
overwhelmed themselves, & brought confusion on their own Cause, by 
their Foolish Attempts to blast me, and I at the same Time receive a 
Triumphant Vindication. 

It was better than a Feast unto us, at y e End of o r Fast, for to be 
Entertained with y e Tidings of this matter. 

See page 28 for another reference to the Six Friends. 

A | Treatise | Concerning | The Lords Supper : | With | Three Dia- 
logues | For the more full Information | of the Weak in the 
Nature | and Use of this | Sacrament. | — | By Tho. Doolittel. 
| — | The Nineteenth Edition. | With Additions. | — | [Two 
lines from 1 Cor. xi. 24.] | — 1| Boston in N. E. | Printed by B 
Green, and J Allen, for | Samuel Phillips at the Brick Shop. 
1700. ' 16mo. pp. (1), (6), 212 [206], (2). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 6 pp. " The 
| Epistle | to the | Reader," signed by " Tho. Doolittel," headpiece a 
line of ten border pieces, running headlines, catchword on last page be- 
tween two rules ; 1-212, text, " Of the | Lords Supper," headpiece 
a line of border pieces, headlines, mistake in pagination begins at page 
83, which is printed 89, and continues through the book, " Finis " at 
foot of the page ; 2 pp. " The Contents," headpiece two rules, head- 
line on the second page. 


On the back of the titlepage is written in his own hand, 
" T. Prince. Boston. 1704 " ; and on the inside of the front 
cover is pasted his printed book-plate, of which the following 
is a fac-simile reproduction : — 

Thorn se prince Liier, 

frfnxa Domini: j- 

The following titles, found in the Library of Harvard Col- 
lege, are added in order to make this list of Early American 
Imprints as complete as possible under the circumstances. It 
has been my aim to give a collation of any early publication, 
not previously described either by Mr. Paine or myself. 


The I Heart Garrisoned | or, | The Wisdome, and Care of the | 
Spiritval Sovldier | above all things to safeguard his | Heart. | 
Delivered in a Sermon which was Preached to the | Honoured 
Gentlemen of the Artillery Com- | pany, on the Day of their 
Election, at | Boston in New-England June, 5. 1676. | — | By 
Mr. Samuel Willard. | — | [Two lines from Prov. xxv. 28; and 
three lines from Phil. iv. 7.] | — || Cambridge, | Printed by 
Samuel Green, 1676. l2mo. pp. (1), 21. 
Titlepage, surrounded by two border lines, verso blank; 1-21, text. 
" Prov, 4. 23. Keep thy Heart with | all diligence, for out of it are 
the Issues | of Life," headpiece two lines of acorn-shaped border pieces, 
the lower one inverted, headlines beginning on page 1, "Finis" 
between two rules ; last page blank. 

This volume was given to the College Library by William 
C. Mason (PL C. 1874, a son of John Mason, H. C. 1822, and 
a grandson of William Mason, H. C. 1792), of Bangor, Maine, 
on November 29, 1872. Near the top of the fly-leaf, preced- 
ing the first title in the volume, is written, " W m Mason's 
1808 I The gift of Moses S. Judkins"; and on a fly leaf at 


the end, " Abigail Louerin her Book 1796 May the 21 clay." 
The book contains six titles by Samuel Willard, bound up 
together in old binding : " Useful Instructions," 1673, imper- 
fect, t; Heart Garrisoned," 1676, " A Sermon " on the death of 
Gov. John Leverett, 1679, " Ne Sutor ultra Crepidam," 1681, 
" The Fiery Trial," 1682, and " The High Esteem," on the 
death of John Hull, 1683. Near the top of the titlepage of 
" Ne Sutor," is written, "Labor improbus omnia vincet, Simon 
Willard | 1690," and in the middle of the page, by the same 
hand, " Simon Willard His Book October, 17. 1690." The 
same words, without the date, appear at the top of the title- 
page of "The High Esteem." "The Fiery Trial" has the 
same -motto begun near the top of the titlepage, but the 
binder has trimmed off all but a few letters at the beginning ; 
" Simon Willard" also appears in the same hand, but without 
date. The missing portion (pp. 79, 80) of " Useful Instruc- 
tions " has been supplied in the same handwriting. 


The first Pinciples [sic"] of the Doctrine of | Christ ; | Together with 
stronger Meat for them that | are skil'd in the Word of Righteous- 
ness. I Or I The Doctrine of living unto God, wherein the | Body 
of Divinity | Is Briefly and methodically handled by way of | 
Question and Answer. | Published at the desire, and for the use 
of I the Church of Christ in Norwich in | New-England. | — | 
By James Fitch Pastor | of that Church. | — | [Two lines from 
Psalms xxxiv. 11 ; and three lines from 2 Tim. i. 13.] | — | — || 
Boston, Printed by John Foster. 1679. 16mo. pp. (1), (6), 
76, (1), (1). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a line of border pieces, verso blank ; 6 pp. 
"To the Reader," signed by " Increase Mather," and dated "Boston. 
4. m. 23. d. I 1679," followed by a rule, headpiece two lines of border 
pieces, the lower one inverted, headlines ; 1-76, text, " Q. What is 
Religion?" headpiece a line of border pieces, "Finis," near foot of 
the page, between two rules ; 1 p., a statement of promise as to belief, 
between two lines of border pieces, the lower one inverted ; 1 p. verso 
blank; 1 p. recto blank; 1 p. verso, " Errata," nineteen lines, between 
two lines of border pieces, the lower one inverted. 

Near the top of the titlepage appears : " Jabez Fitch's 
Book." This book, which contains early manuscript entries, 



is in the original binding, and interleaved. It was given to the 
College Library by the Reverend John Andrews (H. C. 1786), 
on November 10, 1835. 


Honoratissimo | Simoni Bradstreeto : | Massachusettensis Coloniae in 
Nov-Anglia Gubernatori, caeterisq ; Academiae curatoribus per- 
quam | Honorandis &* Reverendis ; Hunc, eorum qui in Collegio 
Harvardino, intra annos quadraginta, | Alicujus gradus Laurea, 
donati sunt, Catalogum, Honoris & Gratitudinis Ergo; Devoto 
Cultu, inscribit & offert | Crescentius Matherus, Cum supradicti 
Gymnasii Sociis. [Imprint at foot of the page] Bostonae Nov- 
Anglorum; Die Sexto ante Idus Sextiles. Anno. 1682. Broad- 
side [printed by Samuel Green]. Folio. 
Half-title, followed by names of the graduates in four columns, 1642 
to " 1653. Aug. 9," " 1653. Aug. 10." to 1662, 1663 to 1671, 1673 to 
1681, separated by perpendicular rules; a rule in middle of space 
below 1681; the imprint at foot of the page; the whole surrounded 
by a line of border pieces. 

The Catalogue is reprinted in the Proceedings (VIII. 18-23) 
of the Historical Society for October, 1864. In the year 1849 
our late associate, Dr. Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, printed twenty 
copies in octavo form from type set up with his own hands. 


Praecellenti et Illustrissimo Viro | D. Edmvndo Andros, Equiti 

Aura to : | Regi a Cubiculis, Stratego &> Gubernatorio summo 

D. Regis Territorii, | <5>» Dominii apud Nov- Anglos in America : 

I Vna cum caeteris Senatoribus spectatissimis, | Omnibus denique 

<5n singulis (hie &> ubique) Artium Liberalium philomusis candi- 

dissimis, dv Mecaenatibus benignissimis ; | Theses hasce, quas sub 

Auspicio Reverendi D Crescentii Matheri Collegii Harvardini, 

quod est Cantabrigiae Nov-Anglorum | Rectoris vigilantissimi 

defendendas proponunt Invenes in Artibus Initiati. L. M. D. 

D. D. Q. I 

Johannes Davenport. ^ . . _ Josephus Dassett. 

T , 01 1 Daniel Brewer. « • at 

Johannes Clark. _. , _ Henncus Newman. 

XT .t 1 t> limotheus Stevens. T . n . , , 

JNathanael Kogers. Josias Dwignt. 

Jonathan Mitchell. JNathaniel Welsh - Sethus Shove. 

[Imprint at foot of page] Cantabrigiae Nov-Anglorum. Anno a 

Christo nato. MDC.LXXXVII. Broadside [printed by Samuel 

Green, " Colledg Printer," Cambridge]. Folio. 


Half-title, followed by a rule across the page ; text in two columns, 
separated by a perpendicular rule ; the first column, " Theses Techno- 
logicae " in fourteen lines having initial letter A with ornamental border, 
" Logicae " in thirty lines, u Grammaticae " in eight lines, and " Rhe- 
toricae " in nine lines, these four parts separated by rules; the second 
column, " Theses Mathematicae " in twenty-one lines, followed by a 
rule, and " Physicae " in thirty-eight lines, below which is the line " His 
Accedit Oratio Salutatoris " ; below is the imprint running across the 
page ; the whole surrounded by a line of border pieces, those at top and 
bottom fine pieces, and those at the sides partly acorn-shaped. 


A I Vindication of New-England, | from | The Vile Aspersions Cast 
upon that | Country | By a Late Address of a Faction there, | 
Who Denominate themselves | of the | Church of England | in j 
Boston. I — I Printed with Allowance. | — | 16mo. pp. (1), 27. 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 1-27, text, " A Vindication of New-Eng- 
land. I Poor New-England ! " in double columns separated by a per- 
pendicular rule, headpiece a heavy rule ; " Einis " in the middle of page, 
followed by a rule, below which is an " Advertisement " in ten lines. 

In the Advertisement at the end of the pamphlet the writer 
says that " For this Composure, the Reader is beholden to the 
Pen of one, who altho' he never spent Seven Years of his Life, 
in any part of America, yet has been so Inquisitive after the 
Affairs of New-England, and had so much Acquaintance with 
the Worthy Agents of that Country, that he has been able 
thus to Write in the Vindication of a People so Injuriously 
abused as that People have been." This may well have been 
a blind to conceal the identity of the author, and the quota- 
tion might have referred to the copyist. 

Prince, in his Manuscript Catalogue, says : " y e author un- 
cert n , but somth g like M r C Mather, & Prin d at Boston, ab* 
1690." The pamphlet is reprinted in " The Andros Tracts " 
(II. 19-78), published by the Prince Society, where the 
authorship is attributed to Increase Mather. 

On page 16 there is a reference to the execution of a 
pirate who was hanged in Boston on January 27, 1689-90 
(Sewall, I. 309) ; and on page 17 to the anticipated arrival 
of Mr. William Brenton, who was here as early as January 26, 
1690-1 (Sewall, I. 340). These two references seem to fix 
the year of publication as 1690. The Vindication was printed 
probably at Boston. 



Admiral Russel's | Letter | to the | Earl of Nottingham : | Containing 
an Exact and Particular Relation of | the Late Happy | Victory 
and Success | against | The French Fleet. | — | Puhlished by 
Authority | — | Folio, pp. 1, (3). 
Half-title, followed by text, in two columns to a page, contain- 
ing on p. 1, and 2 pp. a letter, "Portsmouth, June 2, 1692. | My 
Lord," signed near the end of the second column on the third page, 
"E. Russel"; then follows in the same column, and on the last page, 
"A Coppy of a Letter from Portsmouth, Da- | ted May 29th 1691."; 
below the middle of the last page the double column ends, and a para- 
graph about the " Happy News" runs across the page, followed by 
" Finis, " below which is the imprint, " Boston Printed, and Sold by 
Benjamin Harris, at the London-Coffee-House. | 1692." 

This sheet, probably unique, is an interesting specimen of a 
printed News-Letter. A somewhat similar sheet, " Boston, 
Printed and Sold by Samuel Green, 1689," is found among 
the Massachusetts Archives (XXXV. 83), which has already- 
been described in the Early American Imprints. A collation 
of " Publick Occurrences Both Forreign and Domestick. Bos- 
ton, Thursday Sept. 25th. 1690 " is given on page 69. 


Unfruitful | Hearers | Detected & Warned : | Or A | Discourse | 
Wherein the Danger of, and by, | Unprofitable Hearing, is laid 
I open and Cautioned against. | As it was delivered, in the 
Course | of his Ministry ; | — I By Mr. Nehemiah Walter, | Pas- 
tor of the Church in Roxborough | — | Published by some of 
the Hearers. | — | [Three lines from Ezek. ii. 7; one line from 
Luke viii. 18.] | — || Boston, Printed by B. Green, & J. Allen. 
I Sold by Michael Perry, at his Shop under the | West End of 
the Town House. 1696. 16mo. pp. 67, (1). 
Titlepage, surrounded by a border line, verso blank ; 2 pp. " Chris- 
tian Beader," signed " The least, & most Un- | worthy of Ministers, 
S. Willard, " headpiece a line of border pieces; 5-67, text, "Unfruit- 
ful Hearers | Detected & Warned : | — | Heb. 4, 2 | The Word 
Preached did not | Profit them," headpiece a line of border pieces, 
running headlines, "Finis" between two lines of border pieces; 1 p. 
"Advertisement" of "A Discourse concerning the Nature and Power 
of the Holy Angels" [Angelographia], by Increase Mather, "now in 
the Press, and will speedily be Published, " and also " The Saints 


Victory and Triumph over Sin and Death " by Peter Thacher, of 
Milton, which " is also ready for the Press," headpiece a line of border 

" The Saints Victory and Triumph over Sin and Death," 
advertised as in the press, was probably the Artillery Election 
Sermon for 1695, printed according to Mr. Prince in 1696, 
containing forty pages. Mr. Sibley, in his Harvard Graduates 
(II. 377), says that he had never been able to find a copy ; 
and furthermore he expressed a shade of a doubt whether the 
Artillery Election Sermon was ever printed. This tract was 
given to the College Library by Richard L. Pease, of Edgar- 
town, on April 5, 1853. 


Faith at Work. | — | A | Brief and Plain | Essay, | Upon certain 
Articles of the Gospel, | most Necessary to be understood | by 
every Christian: to wit, | The Nature, the Order, | and the 
Necessity | of the | Good Works, | by which | The Faith of a 
Christian is | to be Evidenced. | — | [Two lines of Latin.] | 
Luther | — || Boston in New-England, | Printed by B. Green, 
and J. Allen. 1697. 16mo. pp. 23. 
Titlepage, verso blank; 3-23, text, " Some Bight Thoughts, in an 

Essay, | upon Good Works. | — | James 2. 20. Wilt thou know, O 

vain man, That Faith without | Works is Dead ? " headpiece a line of 

border pieces; last page blank. 

This essay was written by Cotton Mather. Near the top of 
the titlepage is written : " Johannis Barnard Liber." The vol- 
ume of tracts in which this title appears was given to the 
College Library by Judge Joseph Story on July 21, 1843. 
Mather, in his Diary for 1697, makes the following entry : 
u 21 d IT I discoursed, — on Jam. 2. 20. Good Works, Justi- 
fying o r Faith." 


A Pastoral | Letter | to the } English | Captives, | in | Africa. | — | 
From New=England. | — || Boston, Printed by B. Green, | and 
J. Allen, in the year. | 1698. 16mo. pp. 16. 
Titlepage, verso and 3-16, text, "To the | English Captives in 

Africa. | — | We are Distressed for you, our Brethren, | We are 

Distressed for you ! " headpiece a line of border pieces ; signed on 

page 16, "Yours in Him, | Cotton Mather." 


Mr. Mather in his Diary, under date of May 13, 1698, 
writes : — 

In the following Week, I considered, That wee had many of o r poor 
Friends, fallen into y e Hands of the Turks and Moors, and Languish- 
ing under an horrible slavery in Sallee. And, I considered, That it 
might bee a thing very serviceable unto y e Souls of those poor Slaves, 
to Write unto them some Agreeable Meditations. 

Wherefore, I wrote unto these Distressed people, a Letter, to Es- 
tablish them in the Christian Faith, and comfort them under their 
terrible Calamities, and counsil them, how to make such an use of 
their Calamities, as to prepare them, for ye Salvation of God. I took 
some care, to print many copies of this Large Letter, that so it might 
bee, by diverse opportunities, ye more certainly conveyed unto them. 

I entituled it : A Pastoral Letter, to the English Captives 
in Africa. 

In the margin is written : — 

[Afterwards I understood, that the Lord blessed this Pastoral 
Letter wonderfully to y e Captives; yea, it proved the preparation, 
and the Introduction unto their Deliverance.] 

Judge Sewall, in his Letter Book (I. 200, 201), has a ref- 
erence to this Pastoral Letter; and through his agent in 
London he sent copies of it to some of the captives, as well as 
money for their redemption. 


A I Manifesto | or | Declaration, | Set forth by the Undertakers of 
the I New Church | Now Erected in Boston in New-England, 
November 17th. 1699. Folio, pp. 3. 
Half-title, followed by the introductory statement in which it says 
that the " New Meeting House " is " Erected, and near Finished, " 
and that " We think it Convenient, for preventing all Misapprehen- 
sions and Jealousies, to publish our Aims and Designs herein," eleven 
lines, followed by parts i. to xvi. of the Declaration; last paragraph 
below, on page 3, five lines, headpiece two rules, and two rules at foot 
of page 3 ; last page blank. 

This sheet belonged to the Ebeling Collection, and was given 
to the College Library by Israel Thorndike in the year 1818. 
A fao-simile reprint, taken from one belonging to the Bos- 


ton Athenseum, is given in the " Records of the Church in 
Brattle Square Boston with a list of communicants, baptisms, 
marriages, and funerals 1699-1872 " (Boston, 1902, p. 5). 


Catalogus, | Eorum qui in Collegio Harvardino, quod est Cantabrigiae 

Nov-Anglorum, | ab Anno 1642. ad Annum 1700. alicujus gradus 

Laurea donati sunt. [Imprint at foot of the page] Cantabrigiae 

Nov-Anglorvin Tertio Quintilis. MDCC. Broadside. Folio. 

Half-title, followed by names of the graduates in six columns, 1642 

to 1655, 1656 to 1665, 1665 to 1677, 1678 to 1689, 1689 to 1695, 

1695 to 1700, separated by perpendicular rules; words at foot of the 

sixth column, " Illi quorum No- | minibus haec No- | ta * Prefigitur, 

e I Vivis cesserunt " j imprint below a long rule. 

The Catalogue is reprinted in the Proceedings (VIII. 24- 
30) of the Historical Society for October, 1864. It is the 
earliest broadside of the College which has the stars to mark 
the death of the graduates. 

An Epistle | To the Christian | Indians, | % Giving them | A Sh[ort 
Account,] of what the | En[glish Minister, at the | ] Des[ire of 
an English Magistrate, | who sends unto them this j Token of 
Love. ] — || Boston Printed by Bartholomew Green and John 
Allen I 1700.] 16mo. pp. (1), 14, 14, verso, and recto. 
Titlepage, in Indian, verso, one leaf, wanting; titlepage, in English, 
recto, imperfect, as shown by brackets above; 1-14, verso pages, 
" Wussukwhonk | en | Indiansut, | Neeg wehquetogeeg oowesuong 
Jesus Christ, | Nullordeumun, wuttaieyeuoh kah | Nanawan-[fom], " 
headpiece a line of border pieces ; 1-14, recto pages, " An Epistle | 
To the I Indians | Who call upon the Name of Jesus Christ | our 
Lord, both their Lord and ours. | Grace be unto you, and Peace, from 
God our I Eather, and from our Lord Jesus Christ, " headpiece a line 
of similar border pieces ; " Wohkukquoshin " at foot of page 14, In- 
dian, and " Einis " at foot of the English page ; last page blank. 

This collation, although incomplete, takes the place of one 
previously given in the Early American Imprints, which is 
more incomplete. The Epistle, bound up in the same volume 
with " Faith at Work," was written by Cotton Mather, who, 
under date of April 25, 1700, makes the following entry in 
his Diary : — 


In this place, I will only Record, That a Gentleman comes to mee, 
with Desires, that I would write a Pastoral Letter unto y e Indians ; 
apprehending, That it will be greatly considered among them : And he 
will be at y e expence for its being Translated and published. Accord- 
ingly, I composed an Address to y e Indians, comprising y e sum of 
y e Glorious Things Reveled unto them in y e Gospel; & y e Godly 
Tilings w ch y c Lord Jesus Christ Expected from y m ; and y e Snares & 
Sins whereof they were most in danger; and y e most pungent Con- 
siderations to awaken them unto a Sense of their Duty and Interest. 
It is entituled; Ax Epistle unto the Christian Indians. 

The two following collations are taken from copies found in 
the library of the Boston Athenaeum : — 

Some Considerations on the Bills | of | Credit | Now passing in 

New-England: | Addressed unto the Worshipful, | John Philips 

Esq ; | Published for the Information of the | Inhabitants. 1 6mo. 

pp. 16. 

Half-title, followed by text 1-9, headpiece two lines of border 

pieces ; 1 p. verso blank ; 11-23. " Some Additional Considerations 

Addressed | unto the Worshipful | Elisha Hutchinson, Esq. | By a 

Gentleman that had not seen the | foregoing Letter. | Sir, " headpiece 

a line of border pieces; imprint on page 23, "Boston, Printed by 

Benjamin Harris, and John | Allen: And are to be Sold at the 

London-Coffee- | House. 1691," pages 17 to 23 wanting. 

The half-title has been reproduced, in fac-simile, in Mr. 
Andrew McF. Davis's "Tracts relating to the Currency of 
the Massachusetts Bay 1682-1720 " (Boston, 1902), as are also 
the heading and text on page 11 of Mr. Davis's volume. The 
imprint at the end is taken from a copy in the Watkinson 
Library, Hartford, Connecticut, as given in the reprint. 


A Good Man making a Good End. | — | The | Life and Death, | of 

the Reverend | Mr. John Baily, | Comprised and Expressed | in 

a I Sermon, | On the Day of his Funeral. | Thursday. 16. d. 

10. m. 1697. 1 — I By Cotton Mather. | — | [Two lines of Latin.] 

I — || Boston in N. E. | Printed by B. Green, and J. Allen, | 


for Michael Perry, at his Shop, under | the West End of the 
Town House. | 1698. 16mo. pp. 88. 
Titlepage, surrounded by a heavy border line, verso, "Reader," 
headpiece a heavy rule; 3-57, "A Good Man making | a Good End. | 
Uttered, Thursday 16 d 10 m. 1697." | — | , headpiece a heavy rule, 
running headlines ; 58-88, " Appendix. | The Character of a Christian. 
| — | Acts. XI. 46. | The Disciples were called Christians," head- 
piece a line of border pieces, running headlines; Two lines of " Errata " 
below " Finis " at foot of the page. 

In his Diary, under date of December 16, 1697, Cotton 
Mather makes the following entry: — 

On y e Last Lords-day, dyed a Worthy & a Noted Minister in this 
Town ; my dear Friend, M r John Baily. His Last words were, oh ! 
my Lord Jesus Christ is Altogether Lovely ! All o r praises of Him 
here, are Poor & Low Things! His glorious Angels are come for 

Before hee was taken sick, hee had, under a presage of his Life & 
Work drawing to an End, begun to study a Sermon, on Psal. 31. 5. 
Into thy Hands I commend my Spirit. But hee never had oppor- 
tunity to Finish, or utter, what hee had Studied. God call'd him, 
from y e Study, to y e practice of it. 

When hee Lay a dying, hee ask'd of mee, That I would preach on 
this Text, after his Death. And y e Providence of Heaven, does now 
strangely order y e Funeral of this good man, to bee on the Day of my 
Lecture. A Vast Assembly now came together, and preaching to 
them on y e Text so remarkably circumstanced, there was y e more of a 
pungency on y e Truths w ch I delivered. Into y e Sermon, I interwove 
many Memorables of the person Deceased, w ch also proved a profitable 
& an Acceptable Entertainment. 

The publication of this Discourse was much desired ; so I gave it 
unto the Booksellers. It is entituled, A Good Man, making a 
Good End. And by perusing of my dear Friends Diaries, I had 
y e opportunity of Transcribing into it, abundance of most useful pas- 
sages. Who am I, that the Lord should make this use of mee ! 

And again under date of December 26, he writes: — 


While my Book, entituled, A Good Man making a Good End, is 
in the press, one thing happens, that in part answers y e Faith, w ch I 
recorded (28^ 9™) a month ago. The Bookseller desires mee to add 
unto that Book; (w ch will bee greedily Read throughout all New 
England!) and I add unto it, my Discourse had a while since, at 



o r Lecture, on Act. ii. 26, w ch I entituled, The Character of a Chris- 
tum. This Discourse describes, y e Respect unto CHRIST, w ch is 
essential unto Christianity, and the glory w ch every True Christian 
payes unto CHRIST. So, will my Lord Jesus CHRIST, bee more 
known throughout my Countrey ! 

This book is reprinted in the Magnalia (Book III. 224- 

I am indebted to Mr. George Parker Winship, of Provi- 
dence, who is in charge of the John-Carter-Brown Library, 
for the collation of the four following titles, found in that 
noted library; and I wish to make my acknowledgments 
publicly to him for the courtesy. 


An Account of the Late | Revolutions | in New-England ; | In a Letter. 
No titlepage. 4to. pp. 7. 
Half-title, followed by text 7 pp., signatures A, A 2, signed by 
"A. B.," and dated, "Boston, June 6. | 1689:" ; followed by two 
rules, below which are the words : " The foregoing Account, being very 
carefully and critically | Examined, by divers very Worthy and Faith- 
ful Gentle- | men, was advised to be Published for the preventing of 
I False Be- | ports : And is to be Sold at the London-Coffee-House." 

This pamphlet is reprinted in "The Andros Tracts" (II. 
189-201) published by the Prince Society; and Mr. Whit- 
more, the editor, says : " We have ventured to put on the new 
half-title on the preceding page, the name of Benjamin Harris 
as publisher, as the pamphlet was evidently printed in Boston, 
and Harris's sign was for several years at the London Coffee 
House." He furthermore says that " We have found it im- 
possible to make the slightest surmise in regard to the writer 
of this pamphlet, though we may presume A. B. are not the 
initials of his names." 


Balsamum Vulnerarium ex Scriptura. | The | cause and cure | Of a I 
wounded spirit: | in a Discourse | Which Layes Open the Mani- 
fold I and Amazing Wounds of a | Troubled Conscience, | and 
Pours the Balsame of Seaso- I nable Counsils and Comforts into 


| those Terrible Wounds. | Being Two Sermons, Preached at | 
Boston, in the Month of | December. 1691. | By Cotton Mather. 

| [Five lines of Latin.] | — || Boston, Printed by Bartholomew 
Green, and | John Allen, for Nicholas Buttolph, at the | Corner 
of Gutteridge's Coffee House, 1691. 16mo. pp. (1), (2), 92. 
Titlepage, verso blank ; 2 pp. Introduction ; 1-92, text. 

Mr. Prince in his manuscript catalogue writes as follows : 
" C. Mather Cause & Cure of a Wounded Spirit: 2 serm 8 on 
Prov. 18. 11. Boston 1691 92." The title is very rare, and I 
can find no trace of it in any other public library. 


An Abstract | of a ] Letter | Prom a Person of Eminency and worth 

in I Caledonia to a Friend at Boston | in New-England. No 

titlepage. 4to. pp. 2. 

Half-title, followed by text 2 pp., dated, at foot of page 2, " Fort 

St. Andrew. | February, 18* 1698, 9," headpiece a line of border 

pieces ; followed by " The Declaration, " given below. 

On the front fly-leaf is written : " Elisha Hutchinson s Book, 
May. 1699." This Abstract probably was taken from a 
pamphlet entitled " Observations of a Person of Eminence 
and Worth in Caledonia, written to his Friend in Boston, 
N. E." See Sabin's " Dictionary of Books relating to America " 
(XIV. 244). Mr. Prince in his manuscript catalogue has the 
following entries : " Caledonia : y e Declara 11 of y e Council &c 
Bost 1699 4 " ; and " Letter from a Person in Caledonia to a 
Fr4 at Boston 1699 2." 

Caledonia. | The | Declaration | of the | Council | Constituted by the 
Indian and African Com- | pany of Scotland ; for the Government, 
I and direction of their Colonies, and | Settlements in the Indies. 
No titlepage. 4to. pp. 4. 
Half-title, followed by text 4 pp., signatures A, A 2, signed, " By 
Order of the Council, | Hugh Boss Secretary," and dated at end " New- 
Edinburgh, I December 28. | 1698 " ; imprint at foot of page 4, 
" Boston, Printed May, 15'. h 1699." 

The American Antiquarian Society has a copy of this 


The two following titles are found in the Public Record 
Office, London. 

The collation of the first title was made by me in the autumn 
of 1857 from the original copy, at that time in the State Paper 
Office, London. The Catalogue is reprinted in the Proceed- 
ings (VIII. 9-17) of this Society for October, 1864, where is 
also found a translation of the Latin verses, made by Mr. 
Charles Folsom (H. C. 1813). It is probably the earliest 
complete catalogue of the graduates printed. 


Johanni Leveretto Armigero, | Massachusettensis Coloiriae Gubernatori : 

I Caeterisque Coloniarum Nov-Anglicae gentis Dicaearchis Colen- 

dissimis ; | Ac Eorundem Vice-Gubernatoribus & Magistratibus 

Assistentibus; | Authoritate, Prudentia, & vera Religione non 

minus ornatis quam Honoratis Viris : | Et Collegii Harvardini Cu- 

ratoribus Perbenigne Vigilantissimis, | Patronis & Benefactoribus 

Munificentissimis ; | Nee Non | Omnibus Ecclesiarum Presbyteris, 

Doctrina, dignitate, 6* sincera Pietate Meritissime Reverendis : 

I Omnibus etiam in eodem Inclyto Lycao dextre &* fideliter 

Docentibus atque Regentibus | Hunc Sobolis Harvardinae, per 

trium & triginta Annorum spatium ad Gradum aliquem in Artibus 

admissae Catalogum | Tanquam Memorialem & Votivam Tabulam : 

I Honoris, Gratitudinis, &* Armoris Erg'6, Devotissime Conse- 

crat I L. H. Broadside [printed by Samuel Green, Cambridge]. 


Half-title, followed by names of the graduates in four columns, 1642 

to 1651, 1652 to 1659, 1660 to 1665, 1666 to 1674; twenty-two lines 

of Latin under the third and fourth columns ; the whole surrounded by 

" a pattern printed border," " heavier at the sides than on the top or 



Below is the title of a newspaper printed in Boston, which 
was suppressed by the public authorities immediately after 
the issue of the first number. The sheet has been repro- 
duced in my " Ten Fac-simile Reproductions relating to Old 
Boston and Neighborhood " (1901), where a full account of its 
history is given. Only one copy of this early newspaper is 
known to be extant. 


Numb. 1. | Publick | Occurrences | Both Forreign and Domestick. | 
Boston, Thursday Sept. 25th. 1690. Folio, pp. (3). 
Half-title, followed by text, two columns to a page ; imprint at foot 
of the third page, " Boston, Printed by R. Pierce, for Benjamin Harris, 
at the London-Coffee-House. 1690 " ; fourth page blank. 

According to my enumeration of the various titles given in 
these several Lists of American Imprints, there are now 600, 
found in different libraries, which have been carefully collated. 
A book has a history as much as an individual, though not so 
complete or complicated; and there are those who feel an in- 
terest in it. It is for this small class of persons that an effort 
is now made to gratify a laudable curiosity in early bibliography. 

As kindred to the subject it may not be amiss to give the 
following extracts from the town records of Boston. It is 
probable that the orders, therein described, were printed at 
the time, but it is not known that any specimens of the work 
have come down to the present day. 

[1679] At a Meetinge of ye Comittee of the Militia Comission- 

22 Aug. ers, Selectmen & a Comittee chosen at a publique Towne 

Meetinge to joyne with the selectmen ; & aproued of at a 

generall Meetinge of the Inhabitants this 29th. [s/c] day : 

Ordered . . . 

6 That the Selectmen Collect all the towne orders relate- 

inge to fire, in order to the haueing them pvsed & printed — 
9^ Sept. At a Meetinge of ye Hon r d Gouern r & ye rest of ye Militia 

Comission r s Selectmen & Comittee apoynted to joyne w*. h them, 

It was Ordered — ... 

That M; Isack Addington & John Joy 1 iff e pvse & put the 

the [s^c] foregoeinge in a right methode fit for the presse to- 

geather with all former orders relateing to fhre — 

Another instance of a possible title is found among the 
extracts from Mather's Diary for 1693, relating to medical 
matters and given below. 

Cotton Mather was so much of a literary character in his 
day and generation, and the author of so many books and 
pamphlets described in the Early American Imprints, that I 


am tempted to make some extracts from his Diaries, which 
relate for the most part to his own library, etc. In the Collec- 
tions (X. 156) of this Society, a letter is printed from the Rev. 
Dr. Chauncy (H. C. 1721), a noted scholar personally acquainted 
with the Boston divine, who says of him: — 

In regard of literature, or acquaintance with books of all kinds, I 
give the palm to Doct. Cotton Mather. No native of this country, 
as I imagine, had read so much, or retained more of what he read. He 
was the greatest redeemer of time I ever knew ; and lost as little of it 
as any one could do in his situation. There were scarcely any books 
written but he had some how or other got the sight of them. His 
own library was the largest by far of any private one on the continent. 
He was always reading and writing, and had the happiest talent of 
going rapidly through a book.* 

[June 19, 1681] Memorandum. About this Time, I bought a Span- 
ish Indian, and bestow'd him, for a Servant on my Father. This Thing, 
I would not Remember in this place, but only because I would observe, 
whether I do not hereafter see some Special and Signal Return of this 
Action, in y e course of my Life. I am secretly persuaded, That I shall 
do so! . . . 

[August 9] This Day, I took my Second Degree, proceeding Master 
of Arts. 

My Father was Praesident\ So that from his Hand I Received my 

Tis when I am gott almost Half, a year, beyond Eighteen, in my 
Age . . . 

[October 8] I am Employed in a populous place, the Metropolis of y e 
whole English America, and may cast the Net among much Fish . . . 

And I am herein, a collegue to a Father ; yea, to a Father, given mee 
from y e Dead, and one of my greatest Blessings . . . [and he refers to] 

My Convenient Stud//, with a well-furnished Libra?*?/ . . . 

In the month of November, Messengers from y e Ancient and Famous 
church of Newhaven addressed themselves uuto mee, to become their 
pastor ; but I did not comply with their Desire . . . 

[February 6, 1681-82] The church of Newhaven Renewed their 
Addresses unto poor, vile, mee,, to become their pastor; but this Day, 
I wrote unto them, y e Indisposition w ch I had, unto the Thing w ch 
They desired. 

My Reason was, because y e Church of North-Boston would have 
entertained uncomfortable Dissatisfactions at my Father, if after so 
many Importunate Votes of Theirs, for my Settlement here, hee had 
any way permitted my Removal from them . . . 


[June 11, 1683] There is an old Hawlcer, who will fill this 
countrey with Devout and useful Books, if 1 will Direct him ; I will 
therefore Direct him, & Assist him, as far as I can, in doing so . . . 

[October 20, he mentions his] Library, exceeding any mans, in all 
the Land. . . . 

[July 2, 1685] , This Day, was y e first, of my preaching the Countrey- 
Lecture, . . . 

[May 4, 1686] I was married . . . Several months after this, I 
Resided at y e House of my Father-in-Law, with My dearest Consort, 
in Charlestown ; [going over on y e Lords- Day es to preach at Boston.] 
... At Length, Returning to Boston, I took an House, wherein my 
Father Lived, in y e years, 1677, and 78, and wherein my more Childish 
Age had made many Hundreds of Prayers . . . 

[1693] In y e Spring of this year ... I proceeded then to con- 
sider, what things would render mee Singularly Agreeable to y e Holy 
Angels of God ; ... It was now my purpose ; . . . 

To render myself more useful unto my Neighbours in their Afflic- 
tions ; not only Releeving the Poor, but also y e sick ; to w ch purpose, 
I would collect, at Liesure, a fit Number of most parable and effectual 
Remedies for all Diseases, & publish them unto y e world ; so, by my 
Hand, will bee done things, that y e Angels Love to do . . . 

Can this list of Remedies for all Diseases have any connec- 
tion with Mather's work entitled " The Angel of Bethesda," 
belonging to the American Antiquarian Society, and still in 
manuscript? In his Diary, under date of February 20, 1723- 
24, Mather writes : " My Large Work, entituled, The Angel 
of Bethesda, is now finished. If my glorious Lord will 
please to accept of it, it may prove one of ye most useful 
Books, that have been written in y e world." See Proceedings 
(pp. 11-26) of that Society for April, 1874. 

[August 20, 1697] Afterwards, I gave Thanks unto the Lord, . . . 

For His Employing mee, in so eminent a place; y e most considerable 
Town in all New England ; . . . 

For His granting mee continually to Dispense His Truths, unto 
as Great Auditories in my congregation, as one man can well speak 
to; . . . 

For His favouring mee, with ye Liberty of y e Press, and publishing 
more of my composures than any mans, that ever was in America, while I 
am yett a young man : and making my studies, to bee Readd, and 
priz'd, and serviceable, not only all over these American Colonies, but 
in Europe also . . . 


[October 28, 1G98] The Printer, wanting something to fill y e Last 
Leaf of his Almanack [Tulley's], for the year, 1699, came unto mee to 
furnish him ... I took my opportunity, and wrote a few pungent Lines 
[a half page, entitled "A General Admonition"], concerning the 
Changes, w ch may bee coming as a Snare upon the Earth ; . . . 

[March 6, 1G99-1700] That whereas I had enjoy 'd singular Advan- 
tages to Do Good, by the way of the Press, people were now preju- 
diced against mee for printing so many Books, and it will be necessary 
for mee to desist from y e printing of any more . . . 

[April 3, 1700] I proceeded then to consider, more particular An- 
swers of Prayers . . . 

In my extraordinary Library; and the possession of several Thou- 
sands of Books . . . 

[October 16] Well; passing along the street, a sudden inclination 
took me, to step into an House of a Gentlewoman, who had been a 
long time in a disconsolate Widowhood ; I thought it would be Pure 
Religion to visit her. I did so ; And she told mee, That she had a 
parcel of Books, which once belong'd unto y e Library of o r famous 
Old M r Chance?/; and if I would please to Take them, she should 
count herself highly gratified, in their being so well bestowed. I 
singled out, about Port?/ Books, & some of them Large Ones, which 
were now added unto my Library, that has already between two & 
three Thousand in it, and several of them, will be greatly useful to me, 
in my Design of writing Illustrations upon y e Divine Oracles. Behold 
how y e Lord Smiles upon me ! 

The gentlewoman, here referred to, Avas probably Thomazin, 
widow of Elnathan Chauncy, the son of President Chauncy, 
who practised medicine in Boston. His death took place in 
Barbadoes, and his widow was appointed administratrix of the 
estate, on April 29, 1684. In the inventory of the property is 
" a peel of Books as apprized by Doctor Graves, Mf Cotton 
Mather & Mf Parris . . . [£]44 : 03 : 0." 

While the following paragraph has no bibliographical inter- 
est, it adds just enough flavor of politics to give zest to the 
other extracts. 

[January 27, 1685-86] Some of the other DESIGNS, w ch I had 
this month were these . . . 

III. The Glorious Assurances, w ch I have Enjoyed & uttered, very 
many Times, for now some years together, about y e Lords Appearing 
to deliver His people from Impending Desolations, are now answered. 
The Monster Kirk, who was coming to N. England, with a Regimt of 
Red- Coats, to sacrifice y e best Lives among us, is diverted from coming 


hither, by y e happy Death of that greater Monster, K. Charles II. And 
with K. James II. Things are operating toward such a Liberty for y e 
Dissenters, as may for ought I know, begin y e Resurrection of o Lords 
Witnesses : it being Just three years & an half, since their Congrega- 
tions were all Dissipated, and a Thanksgiving celebrated thro' a wicked 
Nation for it. 


For general convenience and ready reference, the following 
list of shortened Titles, with the Names of authors and the 
Year of publication, is here given. 

Supplementary List, January 8. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Brez, Guy de. The Rise . . . of the Anabaptists .... 1668 

Brooks, Francis. Barbarian Cruelty 1700 

Clough, Samuel. The New-England Almanack ... 1701 . 1700 

Gill, Obadiah, etc. Some Few Remarks ... 1701 . . . . 1700 

Mather, Cotton. Blessed Unions 1692 

A Midnight Cry 1692 

The Religious Marriner 1700 

A Warning to the Flocks 1700 

Mather, Increase. Some Important Truths 1684 

Modest and Impartial Narrative . . . New York 1690 

Oxenbridge, John. A Seasonable Proposition ?1670 

Rawson, Edward, etc. The Revolution in New England . . 1691 

Sewall, Samuel. Phaenomena quaedam Apocalyptica . . . 1697 

Stoughton, William, etc. A Narrative of the Proceedings . . 1691 

Tulley, John. An Almanack ... 1701 1700 

Wadsworth, Benjamin. Mutual Love . . . 1701 .... 1700 

Willard, Samuel. The Barren Fig Trees Doom 1691 

— The Danger of Taking God's Name in Vain 1691 

Rules for the . . . Present Times 1693 

Boston Public Library. 

Alleine, Richard. Heaven Opened 1699 

Catechism, The Shorter . 1691 

Confession of Faith [English and Indian] 1699 

Courts, A Table of the 1692 

Doolittel, Thomas. A Treatise Concerning the Lord's Supper 1700 

Hardy, Samuel. A Guide to Heaven 1689 



Iligginson, John, and Wm. Hubbard. A Testimony . . . 1701 1700 

Hooker, Samuel. Righteousness Rained from Heaven . . . 1677 

Janeway, James. Token. . . to y e children in N E . . . 1691 

Keith, George. The Pretended Antidote 1690 

Library of . . . Mr. Samuel Lee 1693 

Massachusetts. By the Honorable, the Lieutenant Gover- 
nour, &c. Council & Assembly . . . [order to encourage 

enlistments, May 27] 1696 

By the Honorable, William Stoughton Esq= . . . [procla- 

mation about stores of war, March 20, 1700-01] . . . 1700 
The Governour and Company . . . [order about deeds, etc., 

March 18] 1684 

Several Laws and Orders [March 16] 1680 

Mather, Cotton. The Bostonian Ebenezer ....... 1698 

A Collection of . . . Offensive Matters . . . 1701 . . 1700 

The Day, & the Work of the Day 1693 

Decennium Luctuosum 1699 

The Everlasting Gospel 1700 

A Monitory and Hortatory Letter 1700 

Observable Things 1699 

Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion 1691 

Reasonable Religion 1700 

Mather, Increase. The Blessed Hope ... 1701 . . . . 1700 

Cases of Conscience 1693 

Solemn Advice to Young Men 1695 

Richardson, John. The Necessity of a . . . Souldiery . . . 1679 

Rowlandson, Joseph. The Possibility of Gods Forsaking . . 1682 

Rowlandson, Mary. The Soveraignty & Goodness of God . . 1682 

Sewall, Samuel. Mrs. Judith Hull [epitaph] 1695 

same [another edition] 1695 

Standfast, R. A Little Handful of Cordial Comforts ... 1690 

Wigglesworth, Michael. Meat out of the Eater 1689 

Willard, Samuel. The Fear of an Oath . . . 1701 .... 1700 

Heavenly Merchandize 1686 

Mercy Magnified 1684 

A Remedy against Despair 1700 

Harvard College Library. 

Fitch, James. The First Principles 1679 

Harvard College. Catalogue 1682, 1700 

■ Theses 1687 

Manifesto . . . of the New Church [Brattle Square] . . . 1699 
Mather, Cotton. An Epistle to the Christian Indians . . . 1700 
Faith at W r ork 1697 


Mather, Cotton. A Pastoral Letter to the English Captives . 1698 

Russel, Edward. Admiral Russel's Letter 1692 

Vindication of New- England 1690 

Walter, Nehemiah. Unfruitful Hearers 1696 

Willard, Samuel. The Heart Garrisoned 1676 

Boston Athenceum. 

Mather, Cotton. A Good Man [Rev. John Baily] .... 1698 
Some Considerations on the Bills of Credit 1691 

John- Garter- Br own Library, Providence. 

Abstract of a Letter from . . . Caledonia 1699 

Account of the Late Revolutions in New-England 1689 

Caledonia. The Declaration of the Council 1699 

Mather, Cotton. Balsamum Vulnerarium 1691 

Public Record Office, London, 

Harvard College. Catalogue 1674 

Publick Occurrences Both Forreign and Domestick .... 1690 

Rev. Dr. Edmund F. Slafter said that various literary and 
historical societies had often found a difficulty in ascertaining 
precise dates and facts for use in the preparation of memoirs 
of deceased members, and moved the following vote, which 
was adopted : — 

Voted, That it is the sense of this meeting that a blank for a 
personal record would be useful, and the subject is referred to 
the Council for such action as they may think proper. 

Remarks were also made during the meeting by the Presi- 
dent, and by Messrs. William W. Goodwin, Henry F. Jenks, 
Edward E. Hale, William R. Thayer, Gamaliel Brad- 
ford, Winslow Warren, Henry W. Haynes, and other 

A new volume of the Collections — Vol. III. of the Sixth 
Series — was ready for delivery at this meeting. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 12th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair. 

The record of the January meeting was read and approved ; 
and the usual monthly reports were presented. 

Mr. Charles K. Bolton, of Shirley, was elected a Resident 
Member ; and M. Auguste Moireau, of Paris, France, was 
elected a Corresponding Member. 

The President said : — 

Before proceeding to the Section of the day, it devolves on 
me to announce to the Society the death of one of its Resident 
and oldest members. His name, indeed, at the time of his 
death, stood seventeenth on our roll. James Elliot Cabot died 
at his house in Brookline on the 16th of January, eight days 
after our last meeting. I shall presently call upon our associ- 
ate Charles Eliot Norton to speak, as is customary here on these 
occasions, of Mr. Cabot. For myself, I shall merely, in accord- 
ance with the usual practice, refer to him in so far as he was 
identified with our Society. In the case of Mr. Cabot this was 
not much, — hardly more, indeed, than the usual mortuary in- 
scription indicative of birth and death. Mr. James Elliot Cabot 
was elected a member of the Society on the 8th of November, 
1877. Between 1882 and 1884 he performed what may, with 
sufficient accuracy, be described as his tour of duty as a mem- 
ber of the Executive Committee of the Council. In June, 1880, 
he furnished for the Proceedings a memoir of his uncle, Hon. 
Thomas G. Cary, which is incorporated in the 18th volume 
of our first series, pp. 166-168. Chosen a member of the So- 
ciety in recognition of his standing in the community and the 
consideration in which he was held, Mr. Cabot was not closely 
identified with either historical investigation or historical writ- 
ing. His membership, therefore, was of the formal character ; 
and, indeed, at one period he intimated a desire to resign. 
Owing to the intervention of his brother-in-law, Colonel Henry 


Lee, he decided not to do so ; but I do not find his name 
recorded as having been present at any one of our meetings 
for many years past. I do not remember, indeed, ever to have 
seen him at our meetings, or, indeed, in the rooms of the 

I will now ask Professor Norton, who had many points of 
common interest with Mr. Cabot, — dating back to the first half 
of the last century, — to speak to the Society concerning him. 

As Mr. Norton was unfortunately prevented from attending 
the meeting, a general wish was expressed that he should be 
asked to speak at the next meeting. 

Mr. Franklin B. Sanborn read the following paper: — 

Papers relating to the Thompsons and Cogswells of New England 

As a new member whose name begins with S, I understand 
there is an opportunity to submit a communication this after- 
noon, and I take advantage of the privilege to offer for com- 
ment and elucidation two letters of rather pathetic interest, 
written in England in the early reign of Charles II., and 
relating to the Cogswells of Ipswich, ancestors of several 
distinguished families in Massachusetts and New Hampshire. 
Among these are the Cogswells, Waldos, Emersons, Phil- 
lipses, and others needless to mention. 

It seems that John Cogswell, the emigrant ancestor of all 
these persons, was a prosperous woollen manufacturer in the 
West of England, who married at his native place (West- 
bury Leigh, Wilts) Elizabeth Thompson, whose father, Rev. 
William Thompson, was vicar of that parish, and her mother 
was his first wife, Phillis. The date of John Cogswell's 
birth was about 1592 ; his daughter Hannah was born at 
Westbury Leigh in 1624, and the whole family (eight chil- 
dren) except one daughter, came with their parents to New 
England, in the "Angel Gabriel" from Bristol in the sum- 
mer of 1635, when they were shipwrecked on the Maine 
coast. Hannah, at some date before 1651, married Cornelius 
Waldo, who was from the same part of England, and who 
had a brother, Thomas Waldo, once living in New Hamp- 
shire, and a witness there to two deeds of 1647, when the 
two brothers had probably been a year or two in the country. 


In 1652 John Coggswell, Jr., in broken health, revisited Eng- 
land, and wrote back to his father these facts about the English 
Waldos : — 

"I have been with my brother Waldo's friends; his mother lives in 
Berwick (not far from Westbury) j his uncle John is dead ; his brother 
Thomas is in Ireland, and his uncle Barrow is dead ; the rest are in 
health. I pray be earnest with my sister Waldo to be loving and ten- 
der with my three babes, for she knows not how soon hers may be left 
to the wide world." 

He died in 1653, on his voyage home, and was the cousin 
John (Cogswell), mentioned in my letters, not his father, who 
did not die till long after. Rev. Samuel Thompson, of Taun- 
ton, in Somerset, a Puritan minister, I take to have been a son 
of Rev. William Thompson, of Westbury, and the cousin of 
William Thompson, an early settler at Dover, New Hamp- 
shire. And now to the letters. 

Letter of Rev. Samuel Thomsonn (?) of Taunton, Eng., March 27, 

O. S. 1660.1 

Dear Brother and Sister, — You either are angry with me, 
or have a jealousy of me ; on imaginary cause, I conceive, because 
I could not do impossibilities, — to send to you when I could not : 
therefore I had no letter from you this spring, and you would be 
jealous of my real performance of my promise to my cousin John 
concerning that child. I received a letter from you four years since, 
and another this time two years since ; and used all means possible to 
send to you, both by myself and others; took several journeys to find 
out how to send safely, and I could not. And those times I had cloth 
and serge ready to be sent ; but this you knew not, so I cannot blame 

And this time two years [1658] in your letter dated October 23 
[1657], which I received the end of March following, in which you 
ordered to have it sent by one Mr. John Payne, — I sent in by a special 
friend to London, to speak with the host of the Three Cups in Bread- 
street, and he could hear of none such young man as Mr. Payne ; and 
the ships went away (as I was informed) for New England, in three 
days after my letters came to me. I rode to Chewton to confer with 
my uncle [John] White about sending, and he knew not how. 

But to insist no longer on this, I have now sent you three karsyes 
[pieces of kerseymere] for that 12 pounds due to you, which come to 

1 To his brother and sister in New England, namely, to John Cogswell, his 
brother-in-law, who married his sister. 


14 pounds. I wish you may have them safe; they are warranted to 
me for very good, and I had them from a very friend, namely, Mrs. 
Spratt, the minister's widow, who hath a good hand in clothing. One 
kersey is of a light gray ; the two others of a middle gray, and packed 
up and sent to one Mr. James Kay, a factor at Blacwell Hall, in 
London, to be sent to one Mr. Payne's in New England, for you. 
This direction is exact to my brother's son's letter to me, for your 
letter to him I saw not, and have been troubled at it ; for if the young 
man mistakes, this pack of kersye, though now at London, may fail also. 

I suppose you both, and all my cousins and their little ones are 
in health, though my cousin William Thomsonn writt not a word of 
it. My prayers are to God for your health, welfare and prosperity ; 
and though we are far remote and distant from each other, in regard 
to bodies, yet we have that privilege to meet at the throne of grace ; 
which privilege I desire we may improve, to God's glory, each other's 
and the churches' benefit. 

I hope my cousin John's children are with you, and that you are as 
father and mother to them. I was sorry to hear of the death of my 
cousin Esther. In that last letter of yours, of Oct. 23, 1657, you writ 
that you had sent me another letter enclosed in my uncle White's, by 
a Marlboro' man ; which letter neither he nor I received. 

My son Samuel had almost broken my heart in proving so wild and 
rude and dissolute ; but now he is again at school at Ilminster, where 
as yet he doeth well, and is almost fit for Oxford. I had designed him 
for a barrister-at-law ; but God knows what he will be. My daughter 
Mall is (I bless God) a religious and virtuous young woman, and 
hopefully answers my great costs in breeding of her. My daughter 
Martha died of the [small] pox two years since. Their good mother is 
with me, so hath been these six years, a continual damage and a great 
sorrow [?] l 

My dearest and most affectionate love and respects presents itself 
cordially to you, my loving brother and sister, and my dear Mall's 
service to you, heartily remembering all our cousins by name. The 
God of all mercy vouchsafe you all suitable mercies to all your several 
respective wants and conditions, — to whom you are all known, though 
I, at such a distance, know not how it is with you. To God's gracious 
protection and blessings I humbly commend us, all ours, and the care 
of all his churches ; and ever remain, Brother and sister, 

Your most affectionate, ever loving and faithful brother, and remem- 
brancer at the throne of grace, 

Sam: Thomsonn. 

Taunton, March 27, 1661. 

1 This last phrase is crossed out in the original, but not so that it cannot be 
read; only I am in doubt whether the last word is "sorrow" or "scourge." In 
the postscript, the passage beginning M but privately " is also cancelled. 


I thank you for your care of that child. I shall desire the continu- 
ance of your love and care to him ; but, privately, let him never have 
thoughts of returning. When I send again to you, God willing, I will 
send him a token. The Lord bless him ! 

Endorsed in another hand, "Mr. Thompson, Leter." 

(In 1662 one John Payne was associated in a business with 
Captain Brian Pendleton, a merchant at Portsmouth, New 

In the same volume of Court Records, now at the State 

Library in Concord, New Hampshire, but at a long interval, 

is the original of the following letter, that partly explains the 

first one : — 

London, April, 1661. 

To his loving friend Mr. John Cogswell of Ipswich in New England 
pray deliver this with speed ! 

Mr. Cogswell, as a friend unknown I salute you. The cause of my 
writing to you at this time is, to let you understand that, about the 
latter end of April last I received three pieces of kersey from a woman 
in Bush Lane, and a letter from one unknown to me, (but his name 
being Samuel Thomson of Taunton), wherein he desired me to direct 
this to you, and to direct it to Mr. Francis Raynes or Rane as I could ; 
and also about the beginning of March (1661 ?) I received two eleven 
shilling pieces of gold from one Mr. John White of Chewton, a man 
unknown to me, and a letter desiring me to lay it out in something, 
and send it to you. Since that time I never had any opportunity to 
send, unless by the way of Barbadoes, and that, I understand, is not 
always safe delivered. And so now, meeting with a gentleman and a 
near neighbor of yours, Mr. James Rawlins, 1 I have sent by him these 
three pieces of kersey, as aforesaid, and the two eleven shilling pieces 
of gold ; only I had received of Mr. Rawlins one pound, 3s. 8d. for the 
change ; and paid for — and letters, — viz. lod. — , and 5 letters ; and 
what other charge Mr. Rawlins lays out, he will give you an account, 
and you must allow it to him again. 

Not else, but leaving you to the protection of the Almighty, I rest 

Your unknown friend, 

James Kate. 

1 Rawlins was an early settler at Dover, where William Thompson dwelt. 
He acknowledged the receipt of the kersey and the 22 shillings, which seem to 
have fetched in silver 23s. 8d. as above: "out of which I paid to Mr. James 
Kaye one pound threepence, — for bringing it to my chamber 6d. and from 
Bush Lane to his house, 1 pound, and for two letters 5d." I don't understand 
this calculation, and perhaps J. Cogswell did not, for he seems to have put the 
matter in court, — hence the saving of the letters. 


If you send any letter to me direct it to James Kaye, factor, in 
Blackwell Hall, living at the White Horse, at the back side of Thomas 
Apostle. Also I have received a letter from Mr. Thomson the min- 
ister, which I have sent you by Mr. Rawlins. And here enclosed is 
Mr. Rawlins' note for receipt of it ; and this is his second note, for he 
gave one in the letter I sent you by him. 

I found these letters in the County Court records of Norfolk 
(now Rockingham County) last September, and sent copies of 
them to Hon. Lucien Thompson, of Durham, New Hampshire, 
who is descended from one of the Dover Thompsons. He has 
given me no explanation of them ; but as they do not seem 
ever to have been published, and may clear up some doubtful 
points in family history, I submit them here. They are other- 
wise curious, as showing how tedious and uncertain was then 
the course of trade and messages between England and her 
colonies here. 

Access to recent publications concerning the families of 
John Cogswell, of Ipswich, and Deacon Samuel Haines, of 
Greenland, New Hampshire, with the depositions in the sin- 
gular lawsuit of Cogswell vs. Cogswell, in 1677, has cleared 
up this mystery. The letter of Rev. Samuel Thompson was 
addressed to John Cogswell, of Chebacco (now Essex), a parish 
of Ipswich, who had married Elizabeth Thompson, daughter 
of Rev. William Thompson, of Westbury Leigh, in Wiltshire, 
and emigrated from that parish in 1635 to New England. 
" That child " so mysteriously mentioned as not to return to 
England was William Thompson, son of Rev. Samuel, who 
had been sent from England to be brought up, out of harm's 
way, in Ipswich ; nor did he return until 1676, at which time 
he was twenty-seven years old, and his father, still living and 
in London, had gained the title of " Doctor Thompson." 
Probably some ecclesiastical record of him can be found in 
England, either among the Anglican clergy restored to their 
livings under King Charles, or in the list of Puritan doctors 
of divinity. " Cousin John " was the eldest son of John Cogs- 
well, Sr., who had died in 1653, on his voyage home from 
England to Ipswich; and " Cousin Esther " was a daughter of 
the elder John, who died at the house of her sister, Mrs. 
Armitage, in Boston, in 1655. 

John Cogswell, Sr., the ancestor of innumerable descend- 
ants of the Brahmin and yeoman castes in New England, a 



prosperous woollen manufacturer near Westbury, had sold his 
mills and emigrated in 1634-35 ; induced, perhaps, by the 
religious security of Massachusetts, and the fine opening for a 
family of boys and girls, such as he then had. The vessel 
selected by him for his ocean voyage was the " Angel Gabriel," 
which had been built for Sir Walter Ralegh's unlucky expe- 
dition to Guiana, and, though nearly twenty years old, was 
large, strong, and stanch, and had on board 1,000 pounds 
worth, or more, of the Cogswell property. Its tonnage was 
240, and its emigrant consort was the u James," in which 
Rev. Richard Mather came over. That founder of a learned 
and imperious family says in his Journal, between June 4 
and August 16, 1635, what follows concerning the ill-fated 
"Angel": — 

" We set sail Jane 4, from Bristol, five ships ; three bound for 
Newfoundland, and two for New England, viz. the ' Angel Gabriel of 
240 ton, and the ' James ' of 220 ton. The ' Angel ' is a strong ship, 
and well furnished with 14 or 16 pieces of ordnance, and therefore our 
seamen desired her company; but yet she is slow in sailing, and there- 
fore we went sometimes with 3 sails less, than we might have done, 
that so we might not overgo her. July 4 we lost sight of her, sailing 
slowly behind us, and we never saw her again. August 14. This 
evening by moonlight about 10 o'clock, we came to anchor at the Kles 
of Shoals, and there slept sweetly till break of day. But Saturday, 
the loth, about break of day, the Lord sent forth a most terrible storm 
of rain and easterly wind, whereby we were in as much danger as ever 
people were : for we lost in that morning three great anchors and 
cables ; yet our gracious God did save us all alive. But the i Angel 
Gabriel ' being then at anchor at Pemaquid, was burst in pieces and 
cast away in the storm ; and most of the cattle and other goods, with 
one seaman and 3 or 4 passengers, did also perish therein. But the 
'James' and we that were therein, with our cattle and goods, were all 
preserved alive." 

So far Richard Mather. Now comes Deacon Haines, of a 
Bayside Farm at Greenland, which had belonged to Captain 
Francis Champernoon, and thus testifies (December 1, 1676) : 

" I lived with Master John Cogswell, Sen. in Old England about 
nine years, a servant with him, and came over along with him to New 
England, in the ship called the Angel Gabriel, and were present with 
him when my master Cogswell suffered shipwreck at Pemaquid, which 
was about 41 years ago the last August. When the ship were cast 


away, I the said Haines do remember that there were saved then of my 
master's goods a good quantity of good household goods, both feather 
beds and bedding, and also a good quantity of brass and pewter, and, 
also several pieces of plate. Furthermore I do remember that my 
master had a Turkey worked carpet in old England, which he com- 
monly used to lay upon his parlor table; and this carpet was put aboard 
and came safe ashore, to the best of my remembrance." 

Another servant, William Furber, afterwards of Dover, New 
Hampshire, also testified the same day, that he was in the 
shipwreck : — 

"And I do remember that there was saved several cask, both of 
dry goods and provisions, which were marked with Mr. Cogswell, Sen. 
mark ; and that there were saved a tent of his which he had set up at 
Pemaquid, and lived in it, with the goods he saved in the wrack, And 
afterward Mr. Cogswell removed to Ipswich, and in the November 
after I came to Ipswich, and found Mr. Cogswell living there, and 
hired myself with him for one year. I do well remember that there 
were several feather beds, and I, together with Deacon Haines, as ser- 
vants, lay upon one of them." 

Next comes " that child " to bear his interesting testimony, 
which confirms the Taunton letter : — 

" William Thompson, aged about 28 years, testifieth that I lived 
with my uncle and aunt, Mr. John Cogswell, senior, of Ipswich, and 
Mrs. Cogswell, about 16 years; and I did frequently see a Turkey 
work carpet which they had; and I have heard them say it was theirs 
in Old England, and used to lie on their parlor table there, and that 
they brought it with them into this country when they came. And 
being this last winter (1676-77) in Old England, I heard my father, 
Doctor Samuel Thomson say that he did well remember that my uncle 
had a Turkey work carpet, which used to lie upon their parlor table in 
Old England, and took it away with them." 

This deposition is dated May 26, 1677, probably soon after 
he returned from England. If he was then twenty -eight, he 
was born in 1649, and probably came over as a child with his 
cousin John in 1653, and lived with his uncle until his death 
about 1669. The William Thompson mentioned in the Taun- 
ton letter was probably a cousin of Rev. Samuel, and lived in 
or near Dover, to which both Haines and Furber went from 
Ipswich. Haines was in Dover in 1647, but in November, 
1650, bought of Champernoon's agent a farm of ninety acres 


on the Great Bay in Greenland, and from that date this 
former servant, now wealthy, lived and died in Portsmouth, of 
which Greenland was then a part. He joined with Brian Pen- 
dleton and Richard Cutt in petitioning that Portsmouth might 
be the name of the town (1653) ; was one of those Calvinists 
who invited and supported Rev. Joshua Moodey as pastor in 
1G58, and was his first deacon, when the church organization 
was formed in 1671. In 1683, being then eighty years old, he 
was one of the many sued by Robert Mason as trespassers on 
his New Hampshire lands; but was not ousted, and perhaps 
lived to see Mason worsted in his claims. 

Meantime the Cogswell family had not so well prospered. 
Young John Cogswell died much in debt, and his children seem 
to have been brought up, in part, by Hannah Cogswell, who had 
married Cornelius Waldo. By 1676 they had grown up, and 
one of them brought suit against his uncle William, for im- 
proper execution of the will of John Cogswell, Sr. The suit 
was protracted for years, and finally went against young John 
Cogswell's son. 1 

" My cousin William Thompson " named in the Taunton 
letter was the ancestor of the New Hampshire Thompsons of 
Dover and Durham, one of whom, Judge Ebenezer Thompson, 
physician by profession, was a leading patriot in the Revolu- 
tion, and grandfather of Benjamin Thompson, who endowed 
the New Hampshire Agricultural College, now on his farm at 
Durham, with nearly $ 500,000. Lucien Thompson, a great- 
grandson of Judge Thompson, is now a senator in New Hamp- 
shire ; his aunt, Miss Mary Thompson, was an unwearied 
antiquarian, and the author of a valuable book, " Landmarks in 
Ancient Dover/' which gives the names and residences of 
many of the settlers along the Piscataqua River for a cen- 
tury after 1623. I am inclined to think, also, that Benja- 
min Thompson, Count Rumford, descended from James 
Thompson, was related to William Thompson, of Dover, and 

1 See the papers which are at the office of the Massachusetts Secretary of State 
in a volume (39) marked " Judicial, No. 2, 1658-1683." They are very full, and 
should he published as illustrating several important points in the social economy 
of the Colony in the seventeenth century. In the account of William Cogswell 
and his father, John, as executors of John, Jr., appears a charge of £19 for the 
board of William Thompson (" that child" ), and also a charge for "tokens," 
thus : " Paid to Mr. John Cogswell, Sen, a pair of tokens which John Cogswell 
Jr. received for him of Doctor Tomson, — £1.02." These were not the tokens 
mentioned in the Taunton letter, but earlier gifts, perhaps, for the exiled son. 


his younger cousin, William Thompson, of old Ipswich. If so, 
lie also was a cousin of the Emersons, Phillipses, etc., the de- 
scendants of the vicar of Westbury Leigh, in Wiltshire. 

It is singular that the discovery of the descent of Emerson 
from this clergyman introduces another clerical line in the 
Brahmin ancestry of the most Brahminical of New England men. 
Through Hannah Cogswell, who married Cornelius Waldo, a 
granddaughter of Rev. W. Thompson, and of unknown clerics 
farther back, this descent appears ; and he was already known 
to be the descendant of four direct Emerson ancestors, all 
clergymen, and, through Elizabeth Bulkeley, who married 
Rev. Joseph Emerson (born in England), from another cleri- 
cal Emerson, and two clerical Bulkeleys, Rev. Peter, and his 
father, Rev. Dr. Edward Bulkeley, an Oxford scholar, as, no 
doubt, Rev. William Thompson was. By his grandfather 
Emerson sprung from another clerical line, the Moodys, and 
by his grandmother from the line of Rev. Daniel Bliss, whose 
parsonage still stands in Concord village, the oldest house 
there. It must have required all the gentile descent from the 
St Johns and Plantagenets, and the Emersons of English 
Durham, and the more recent infusion of handsome and 
worldly Haskins blood, through his mother, the daughter of a 
Boston citizen, seaman, cooper, distiller and trainband cap- 
tain, to counterbalance this parsonical bias so completely as 
was done in the case of Waldo Emerson as I knew him. 

Hon. Lucien Thompson, of Durham, New Hampshire, writes 
me that there was once a Rev. Samuel Thompson at Kittery, 
Maine, " perhaps cousin of my ancestor, William Thompson, 
of Dover." Rev. E. S. Stackpole, the historian of Kittery, 
says he has seen this Taunton letter before, and thinks that 
the person addressed was either Rev. Francis Rayner, of 
Dover, or Francis Raynes, of York. But I have shown it to 
have been John Cogswell. What connection James Kay's 
44 Mr. Francis Raynes or Rane " had with the consignment of 
" Kerseys," and silver or gold tokens for the lad, William, 
44 that child," remains to be discovered. John Payne was a 
merchant at Portsmouth and Boston, and in 1673 Major Brian 
Pendleton bought of 44 John Paine, of Boston," seven hundred 
acres of land in Westerly, Rhode Island, on which James Pen- 
dleton settled soon after, and has many descendants in that 
region. This was probably the same Payne who was in Lon- 


don in 1657-58, but could not be found by Rev. Samuel 
Thompson, nor by " the host of the Three Cups in Bread- 

The letter of John Cogswell, Jr., cited by me on page 78, 
has been printed many years, in the Historical and Genealog- 
ical Register, vol. xv. p. 177, but it may be here copied entire, 
as showing how easy it was under Puritan rule in Boston to 
die heavily in debt to persons in England and Massachusetts. 

London, this 30th of March, 1653. 

Most loving- Father and Mother, — I having an opportunity 
could not but write to you to certify to you that I am, through God's 
goodness to me, safe arrived, and have had my health well, and my 
friends are in general well. My sister hath two children. I am as yet 
unmarried, and little hopes I have to marry here ; but I intend to make 
haste over to New England with some servants, as fast as I can. My 
condition is at present very low, and I am in great straits. The Lord 
in mercy help me ! 

Mr. Deane hath dealt kindly with me ; hath taken bond for £84 
here, and £100 in Boston. I pray, father, will you be assistant to my 
brother William, and both to my brother (Godfrey) Armitage in the 
payment of this £100 ? for I have written to my brother Armitage to 
pay it for me, because he lives in Boston. I have not yet agreed with 
my cousin Stevens, nor Mr. Goad. I owe them £53 besides interest. 

I pray, father, mother, and brother William, be careful of the little 
corn, cattle, goods, and my house and land, that it be not forfeited : for 
I am in a very low and sad condition here, and have nothing to pay my 
debts withal, nor to maintain my poor motherless children withal, but 
what is in your hands. I pray you have a fatherly and motherly care 
of my dear motherless babes, and at present fatherless. I have been 
with my brother Waldo's friends ; his mother lives in Berwick, his uncle 
John is dead, his brother Thomas is in Ireland, and his uncle Barrow 
is dead ; the rest are in health I pray be earnest with my sister Waldo 
to be loving and tender to my three babes, for she knows not how soon 
hers may be left to the wide world. I would have John and Edward 
go to school this summer. 

This on my knees craving your prayers to God for me in this my 
undertaking, that I may be brought safe to you again, — remembering 
my duty to you both, my love to my three children, also my brothers, 
sisters and cousins ; with my service to (Rev.) Mr. Rogers, my love to 
Goodman Lord, and my respects to all my friends; humbly craving all 
your prayers, I commit you to God. I rest your obedient son, very 
loving father and mother, and friends, and servant. This little I wrote 
in great haste. 

(Signed) John Cogswell. 


He made his will, December 13, 1652, in England, making 
his brothers William Cogswell and G. Armitage executors. 
He died at sea, aged thirty. 

It was this John Cogswell's son John, born in 1650, who dis- 
puted the administration of his grandfather Cogswell's estate 
by his uncle William. It would seem that his father left him 
little but debts. 

Mr. William B. Weeden, of Providence, Rhode Island, a 
Corresponding Member, read an exhaustive paper on the con- 
troversy between Governor Andrew and General Butler relat- 
ing to recruiting for the volunteer army in 1861. 

Mr. Melville M. Bigelow gave a \ery interesting account 
of the present state of the work of publishing the Province 
Laws, with a statement of what has been done since his ap- 
pointment as editor two years ago, and what still remains 
to be done. 

Rev. Dr. James De Normandie read some notes on Sir 
William Pepperrell, drawn from original sources while he 
was engaged on historical work in New Hampshire: — 

Sir William Pepperrell. 

William Pepperrell became a communicant at the Old South 
Church of Portsmouth, November 5, 1696, and the baptism of 
his son, afterwards created a baronet for the taking of Louis- 
burg, was the last one recorded by Joshua Moody, May 9, 1697. 

William Pepperrell settled at the Shoals in 1670. Here 
about 1680 he married a daughter of John Bray, one of the 
leading islanders, who had for some time refused the offer of 
marriage from Pepperrell, but who relented in proportion to 
the increase of his property. 

When the Shoals offered too small a field for his enterprise, 
he and a partner, Mr. Gibbons, resolved to leave the weather- 
beaten islands, and to resort to chance to determine their 
separate destinations. Each set up a high pole, and left it to 
fall as Providence should direct. Pepperrell's fell towards the 
northwest, Gibbons's towards the northeast. Following with 
obedience and enthusiasm the plan they had adopted, and the 
course pointed out by the fallen poles, Pepperrell established 
himself on the Kittery side of the mouth of the Piscataqua, 
and made large purchases of land there, while Gibbons ob- 


tained a great tract on the Penobscot, known afterwards as 
the Waldo patent. 

In 1712 Sir William interested himself in organizing a 
church at Kittery, whose inhabitants up to that time had 
attended worship, under serious inconveniences of distance, 
weather, and tide, at Strawberry Bank; and tradition tells 
how later Sir William frequently came in a royal barge with 
showy sailors, and with much pomp, to the old church in 

In 1722, at the age of twenty-six, Pepperrell married Miss 
Hirst, of Boston, to whom are ascribed great praises for nat- 
ural and acquired powers, for brilliant wit, and sweetness of 

Here are a few verses of hers written after the death of an 
infant child, which I am quite sure have never found their 
way to the public, and are not entirely poor : — 

A little bird that lately pleased my sight, 
Ravished my heart, and filled me with delight j 
And, as it grew at once my joy and pride, 
Beloved by all, whoe'er its beauty spied, 
I fondly called it mine, nor could I bear 
The thought of losing what I held so dear ; 
For it had just begun, with warbling strains, 
To soothe my pleasure, and to ease my pains : 
Its artless notes, and lisping mellody 
Made in my ears a grateful harmony. 

Least while I heard, or dreamed of its decay, 
This pretty bird by death was snatched away. 
Snatched did I say? No I recall the word ; 
'T was sent for home by its most rightful Lord, 
To whose blest will I must, and do resign 
That which improperly I claimed as mine. 
'Twas thine, blest Lord, thy goodness lent it me, 
'Twas doubly thine because taken back by thee. 
Then go sweet bird, mount up and sing on high ; 
While winged seraphs waft thee through the sky, 
They're clad in glory bright, and sit serene, 
On boughs immortal ever fresh and green: 
They chant thy praises with a lovely train 
Of spirits just, for whom the Lamb was slain: 
Touch David's harp with wonder and surprise, 
Whilst ours neglected on the willow lies. 

While Pepperrell had the expedition to Louisburg under 
consideration, Whitefield was on a visit to Portsmouth, and 


Pepperrell became well acquainted with him, and asked his 

" Your scheme," said the great revival preacher, " I think 
not very full of encouragement. The eyes of all will be upon 
you, and should you not meet with success the widows and 
orphans will utter their complaints and reflections, and if it 
be otherwise numbers will look upon you with envy and en- 
deavor to eclipse your glory. You ought therefore, in my 
judgment, to go with a single eye, and then you will receive 
strength proportioned to your necessities." 

Whitefield furnished the motto for the flag of the expedi- 
tion, "Nil desperandum Ohristo duce" 

There has recently been made public a letter written by 
a Mrs. Wood, of Kennebunk, at the age of eighty-six, giving 
some incidents about Pepperrell, which must be nearly correct, 
although the verses just read show that his wife could not 
have been so inferior in intellect. 

At an early age, this letter says, Pepperrell married a lady 
of a very respectable family and possessed of considerable for- 
tune. She proved a most excellent wife, but was a very small 
woman with small intellect. Upon her marriage, her father 
wrote her a letter which he had printed for the benefit of 
young married ladies. The writer charges her never to work 
one moment after sunset on Saturday evening, and never to 
lay aside her knitting without its being in the middle of the 
needle ; always to rise with the sun, to pass an hour every 
day with her housekeeper, to visit every department from 
garret to cellar, to attend to the brewing of her beer, the 
baking of her bread, and to instruct every member of her 
household in their religious duties. 

Sir William was magnificent in his way of living, of a hos- 
pitable and social disposition, and vain of his prosperity ; and 
oftentimes when the subject of his wealth was mentioned, he 
used to boast that he could walk from Kittery Point to Saco 
without stepping on an inch of land that did not belong to 

The City of London presented him with a service of plate 
and a ladle of solid silver. The ladle was very narrow but long, 
and the articles were numerous but of small dimensions ; the 
tureen did not hold more than three pints. At the conclusion 
of the Revolutionary War, when the Pepperrell and the Spar- 



hawk property was confiscated, this plate was sent to Sir Wil- 
liam's grandson, residing in London. It was considered so 
valuable that Sheriff Moulton, of York, with a guard of six 
men well armed, accompanied it to Boston, where it was em- 
barked for Liverpool. 

Sir William took with him to Louisburg, as his chaplain, 
Rev. Mr. Moody, of Old York. An entertainment was given 
directly after the surrender of Louisburg to the officers who 
had so bravely conducted the siege. Some of the gentlemen 
expressed their apprehension that dinner would be spoiled 
waiting for the chaplain's long blessing. When all were ready 
Mr. Moody lifted his hands and eyes to heaven, and said, 
" Lord, the mercies thou hast bestowed, and thy mercies and 
benefits have been so wonderful, that time is too short to ex- 
press our sense of thy goodness, we must leave it for the 
work of eternity. Fill us with gratitude, and bless what is 
set before us. Amen." 

The President read the following paper : — 

It will be remembered that, at the May meeting of the 
Society, our associate Hon. Daniel H. Chamberlain read a 
valuable as well as an interesting paper entitled " Historical 
Conception of the Constitution." At the time I listened to 
the paper with peculiar interest, for it so chanced I had not 
long before engaged to deliver an address during the following 
month before the Beta of Illinois Chapter of the Phi Beta 
Kappa Society at Chicago. His references, therefore, to certain 
dicta of Messrs. Lodge and Goldwin Smith on the view gen- 
erally taken of the right of secession at the time of the adop- 
tion of the Constitution, were, for me, peculiarly timely, as 
bearing on the subject I had in mind. Consequently, in my 
subsequent address 1 I set forth the results reached by Mr. 
Chamberlain, and also presented some considerations tending, 
as I thought, to throw additional light, not on the law of the 
case, but on the practical theories commonly entertained, espe- 
cially in the South, at the time the Constitution was adopted. 
As usual, I was led into a more elaborate examination of the 
original material than I anticipated when I began. The result 

1 "Shall Cromwell Have a Statue?" See " Lee at Appomattox and Other 
Papers " (second edition), pp. 376-429. 

1903.] " 'T IS FORTY YEARS SINCE." 91 

was, that I determined, on some future occasion, here to con- 
tinue the discussion begun by Mr. Chamberlain, spreading upon 
the records of the Society not only the conclusions I had 
reached, whether in opposition to his or otherwise, but also 
the authorities and reasoning which led me to such conclu- 
sions. While I had this matter in mind, I received, early in 
October last, an invitation from the New England Society of 
Charleston, South Carolina, to go there on Forefathers' Day, 
and, as its guest, to address the Society on any subject I might 
select. Repeatedly had I resolved of late to decline all further 
invitations of this character. Invariably they consume a great 
deal more time than at first seems probable, and they interfere 
to an almost ruinous extent with any work upon which the 
person invited may be engaged. This invitation, however, was 
for certain reasons peculiarly tempting to me. I had never 
been in Charleston ; and yet I had passed well-nigh an entire 
year — that is, from January to August — almost in sight of 
the famous town. The only glimpse I had ever got of it was 
a distant one, to wit, from a tree on James Island, I think it 
was, looking across the harbor towards Charleston, with Fort 
Sumter looming up from the water midway, and flying the 
Confederate flag. This was in June, 1862, immediately after 
the engagement known by us as " James Island," and by 
the Confederates as " Secessionville." It was then and there, 
I remember, that I first heard a hostile shot. That day our 
attempt was to carry the defences in front of our lines, and 
to get within striking distance of the city. It was foiled ; 
and thereafter the course of events in Virginia was such as 
to preclude any renewal of active hostilities on our part. The 
engagement on James Island took place on the 17th of June ; 
and it will be remembered McClellan's famous seven days' 
fighting before Richmond followed shortly after. Indeed, I 
well remember being awakened in my tent at dawn of day one 
July morning by heavy firing from the batteries opposite us. 
At first, the reason of the discharge was not apparent. A few 
days later news reached us of McClellan's " change of base " ; 
and the significance of that morning salute then became ap- 
parent. It was in honor of Lee's victories, and of the relief of 
Richmond from all immediate danger. I remained at Hilton 
Head with my regiment, the First Massachusetts Cavalry, 
until the month of August; then, in consequence of those 


operations about Richmond and in front of Washington which 
preceded Lee's first invasion of Maryland, our regiment, to- 
gether with all other available forces, was ordered North from 
the Sea Islands, and we next found ourselves on the Poto- 
mac. Charleston was for the time being relieved of us and 
of apprehension. 

Meanwhile, as I have already said, I had once been in 
South Carolina from January to August. Sir Walter Scott 
gave to his first famous novel the sub-title " 'Tis Sixty Years 
Since"; and, the whole time I was in Charleston that title 
was present to me. So the words " 'Tis Forty Years Since" 
are equally applicable to my recent visit, and to the stern 
solution of the grave question I earlier went there to dis- 
cuss. But, a period equal to that passed by the children of 
Israel in the wilderness having elapsed, not unnaturally, in 
1902, I felt a strong curiosity to see the city the possession 
of which we had, in 1862, so greatly coveted. So, when the 
invitation I have referred to reached me, I felt sorely tempted 
to avail myself of it ; for it was not unreasonable to assume 
that, if I failed to see Charleston now, I would never see it 
at all. 

A certain sense of humor, also, moved me to an acceptance. 
For one of my name and traditional environment to be asked 
to deliver an address in Charleston was not, perhaps, very 
noticeable. Only a few years before, our associate George 
F. Hoar had been invited by the same Society ; and had not 
only accepted, but had delivered an address which has since 
been referred to as almost a model of what should be said on 
similar occasions. Nearly sixty years earlier Mr. Webster also 
had accepted an invitation from the same Society. More 
recently the present Josiah Quincy, on a similar invitation, 
visited Charleston, and visited also the very house in which 
his grandfather three times removed had been a guest during 
his historic stay there in 1773. I, however, felt suddenly a 
desire to go to Charleston, and there continue the discussion 
which Mr. Chamberlain, once Governor of South Carolina, 
had begun in this room. Such an experiment was distinctly 
tempting. The idea of going to Charleston, of all places, and 
there canvassing the constitutional ethics of secession, was 
startling. It was like penetrating the crater of a recently 
extinct volcano, and there philosophizing over the causes, 

1903.] "'tis forty YEARS SINCE." 93 

character, and, if the expression may be used in such a con- 
nection, the justification, of a furious eruption the cinders of 
which were still warm. The very delicacy of treatment called 
for in so doing enhanced the desire to do it. To speak the 
truth on that subject there, treating it as an academic question, 
in a purely philosophic, dispassionate tone, was not easy. For 
that very reason I was tempted to go. Accordingly, I wrote 
to our associate Mr. Chamberlain, and asked his advice on 
the subject, for he was then himself staying in Columbia. He 
replied, October 16th, as follows: "As to your going to 
Charleston in December next, if you want my candid judg- 
ment, I say, ' Go, by all means ! ' It is a fine occasion for you 
to speak your full mind. It will be received, be perfectly 
sure, with respect, and will command the admiration and 
respect of that community for the plainness and force you 
will not fail to put into what you say. It is, or will be, if you 
can go, an almost ideal thing for you, of all men living, to 
speak your unrestrained sentiments in Charleston, of all 
possible places. I grow enthusiastic at the thought. Don't 
miss the opportunity, say I." 

Thus encouraged, I determined to accept the invitation, and 
to talk to such a Charleston audience as I might there have 
upon the philosophy of the events which led up to the terrible 
crisis of forty-two years ago. Leaving home on Saturday, I 
got up in Charleston on the morning of Monday, the 22d 
December. A violent rain-storm had prevailed the night 
before, and, as I drove through the streets of the town in the 
early daylight, they had both a washed and a deserted look. 
There I was, however, at last in the very place into which we 
had tried so hard to get exactly forty years before. 

Charleston, however, is not a strange city in a strange land. 
Many New England people visit the place every year; it is 
comparatively familiar ground. Neither are impressions de- 
rived from a visit of two days to another city, however remote, 
of great value. The little I have to say, therefore, can be put 
in few words. 

None the less, to me that brief stay was most interesting. 
Never anywhere have I received a kinder or more courteous 
welcome, or been listened to by a more attentive and appre- 
ciative audience than there greeted me. The evening I spoke 
before the New England Society I suppose one hundred and 


twenty persons may have been seated at the tables. Among 
them were many of the most prominent residents of the city 
and its neighborhood. What I said was listened to with the 
closest possible attention, and elicited a generous response. 
In every respect the occasion was all I could have desired. 
Passing from that to the city itself, I visited, I believe, all its 
points of interest. Standing on the famous battery overlook- 
ing the Ashley River, I gazed curiously across at that southern 
shore from which, in June, 1862, I had made out the distant 
steeples of the town. Naturally, also, I was taken down the 
harbor, past the walls of Sumter, — which have now been cut 
down, and adapted to the use of the modern battery command- 
ing the entrance of the harbor, — by Fort Moultrie, from which 
the first guns of the Civil War were fired, to the mouth of the 
jetty which the United States is now constructing, where 
formerly it sunk those stone ships blocking the harbor, — a 
proceeding so fiercely denounced, both in the South and in 
Europe, as something contrary to all recognized rules of civil- 
ized warfare. In Charleston itself, though, as I have said, 
I believe I was taken to every point of interest, there was 
one exception, — I did not see a specimen of the large negro 
schools now established there. Unfortunately the Christmas 
recess interfered, and the schools were not in session. 

Without wasting time over the details of such a visit, the 
thing which chiefly struck me was the native force and dig- 
nity shown by those I met. Looking back over the years 
since 1860, it certainly does seem as if there had been no 
affliction of nature or of man spared unto Charleston. First, 
within a year of the time when the ordinance of secession was 
passed, the place was scourged by fire. Nearly one-half of 
the upper portion of the city was destroyed. An immense 
number of edifices and objects of interest then went up in 
flame and smoke, and the bounds of the conflagration are still 
traceable in the structure of the buildings which replaced those 
swept away. Concurrently with this great disaster came the 
blockade ; and then the bombardment from Gilmore's " Swamp 
Angel." The abandonment of the city by the Confederates 
and its occupation by the Union forces followed in due time. 
Afterwards emancipation became a fact, and the inhabitants 
were literally, by a stroke of the pen, deprived of the largest 
element of their chattel property. Then followed the military 

1903.] a, TIS FORTY YEARS SINCE." 95 

occupation ; and, deepest humiliation of all, government by 
the former slave. But the city had begun slowly to recover 
by a natural process, when the earthquake of 1886 literally 
shook it to its foundations. Verily, it pleased Heaven to rain 
afflictions on its head. There was no sorrow, no humiliation, 
no loss of property, which Charleston had not been compelled 
to undergo. And all these events had occurred since I viewed 
the place from that tree on James Island. Under these cir- 
cumstances, I freely confess that not only was my sympathy 
excited but my admiration was stirred by the indications of re- 
siliency I everywhere saw, and still more by the cheerfulness, 
and quiet, uncomplaining dignity with which all those I met 
discussed the past, and accepted the conditions of the present. 
If any bitterness of feeling existed towards those who had so 
largely contributed to their calamities, it was not apparent in 
word or sign. Everywhere I was received with the same 
simple courtesy, and listened to the same frank reference to 
historic and other events, as my attention was called to what 
remained of the household gods peculiar to the place, and 
pertaining -to a civilization long since passed away, — the 
civilization of plantation and slave-owning days. I was, of 
course, taken to the famous Bull-Pringle house, as it is called, 
in which Josiah Quincy was a guest in 1773. I also called 
on the daughter of Governor Aiken, dwelling in the very 
house and amid the same articles of household adornment in 
and amid which Governor Aiken lived when Messrs. William 
Appleton and William Amory, fresh from Boston, were his 
guests immediately before the firing on Sumter. I saw, in- 
deed, grass growing on the once busy wharves, — now rotting 
in decay, — from which the cotton and rice had once been 
shipped to the North and to Europe ; but the citizens of the 
place none the less were full of confidence, believing that the 
time would soon come when the improved depth of water in 
their harbor would bring back to Charleston that commerce 
which they insisted was hers by natural right. One thing I 
was glad indeed to note, — the manifest disposition of the 
United States government to do all in its power to make easy 
the upward path to restoration of the place which we in the 
North, within easy recollection, had fiercely denounced as a 
nest of traitors, and the hot-bed of treason. Not only had the 
ship-channel been deepened by an elaborate and costly system 


of jetties, but the fortifications were being reconstructed, or 
renewed, and a naval depot had been established ; while, 
within the city proper, expensive government buildings had 
been erected. The outlook promised better things. Having, 
without repining, adapted themselves to conditions, the people 
were facing the future full of courage and hope. 

And yet that future, I must frankly say, did not strike me 
as altogether encouraging. On the contrary, the one thing 
which most deeply impressed me throughout South Carolina, 
but in Charleston more especially, was the terrible handicap 
under which that community was laboring in the race of 
competition. As an average observer, and something of a 
sociologist, I by no means share in that optimistic confidence, 
so much in vogue in the present da} r , which sees only progress 
everywhere. On this subject I have already expressed myself 
sufficiently in one of my numerous contributions to the Pro- 
ceedings of this Society. 1 I do not, therefore, propose here to 
repeat myself. But, so far as my study and observation go, 
instead of being the rule with the human race, progress is 
distinctly the exception. Development is not seldom arrested 
at some advanced stage, and actual decay alternates with 
advance. The preponderance of the factors tending towards 
an uplifting in my judgment is, even with the most progres- 
sive nations, but a slight percentage of the whole. That slight 
percentage, varying either way, makes the difference between 
up and down, — it causes the scales to tip. 

Hence, to-day, of an hundred distinct nationalities, speaking 
different languages, — civilized,, semi-civilized and barbarian, 
— white, yellow and black, — but ten are really, in themselves 
and of themselves, progressive. The United States, Great 
Britain, Germany and Japan are distinctly uplifting; but can 
the same be said of the Latin races on either continent, or of 
any of the peoples of Southern Asia or of Africa? The vast 
majority of mankind are, of themselves, at best merely 
stationary. What impetus they have is from without. 

Now, as compared witli ourselves, the Southern people have 
a dead-weight of Africanism tied to them which is tending 
perpetually to hold back or pull down. It may seem hetero- 
dox, perhaps it will be stigmatized as pessimistic, for me to 

1 Historians and Historical Societies, Proceedings, Second Series, vol. xiii. 
pp. 93, 1)4. 

1903.] "'tis forty YEARS SINCE. 97 

say so, but I have little doubt that, if left to themselves, apart 
from the example and sustaining energy of the white man, 
even the most advanced types of the African race on this con- 
tinent, taken as a mass, would tend steadily to deteriorate, — 
they would sensibly gravitate towards the normal African 
conditions. In other words, it is not a self-sustaining, much 
less an inherently advancing human species. It is held up to 
any standard to which it is brought by the presence and influ- 
ence of the white man. Meanwhile, on the other hand, it 
acts as a dead-weight on the uplifting race, tending steadily 
to diminish its forward impetus, even if it does not produce 
direct deterioration. As compared with our own more fortu- 
nate condition, therefore, the impression left on me by what 
I saw was that the white race in the South, especially in South 
Carolina, were at a distinct disadvantage. In Charleston, for 
instance, I understand there are about three inhabitants of 
black blood to two of white. The problem before that com- 
munity is, therefore, momentous. They are now, as I was told 
and have every reason to believe, making an effort both honest 
and strenuous to educate the African. What the result will 
be at some remote future period, I do not undertake to pre- 
dict. But, so far as can be judged from present indications, 
the outlook, in spite of expensive schooling, is not propitious. 
The races are segregating, and becoming more and more an- 
tagonistic. The African does not originate, he is imitative. 
It is so in dress, in maimers, and, to a certain extent, in 
morals. In all these respects an increasing separation of the 
two species, living perforce not side by side but together, is 
bad for both. From what I saw and heard I should appre- 
hend that the great future handicap of the South would be 
the presence in its civilization of a vast imperfectly assimi- 
lated mass of barbarism veneered. If, under such conditions, 
the superior race evinces a buoyant tendency, it will give 
proof conclusive of an extraordinary moral and virile energy. 
But, at present, Charleston is heavily handicapped. 

Recurring, however, to my immediate subject, so far as my 
message to Charleston was concerned, if message it might be 
called, it pertained rather to this Society than to those to 
whom I delivered it; for I there merely continued the dis- 
cussion, historically so important, which our associate Mr. 
Chamberlain began here. Needless to say, the view I took 



of the course of events and the constitutional construction 
which led up to the climax of 1861, had in it features not 
unpleasing to Charlestonians. It was, as I presented it, — and 
honestly on my part, — at least a case of doubt. I have since 
seen it asserted that I conceded the abstract right of secession. 
It has been so stated in our Boston papers. It is hardly neces- 
sary to say I did nothing of the sort. On the contrary, the 
conclusion I reached on the abstract and academic question 
of secession was the direct opposite to that reached by our 
associate Mr. Lodge, and by Professor Gold win Smith, and 
closely approximated to that set forth by Mr. Chamberlain. 
On the other hand, from him also I differentiated in some de- 
gree. And so, as my speech delivered in Charleston was pre- 
pared as part of a discussion begun here now nine months ago, 
I propose to include the great body of it in our Proceedings, 
thus making the results of my research matter of record. For 
this I find a degree of justification in the fact that a certain 
historic interest pertains to it in that my thesis was presented 
in Charleston in the year 1902, by one who had stood in arms 
before Charleston in 1862. There is significance also in the 
fact that the discussion was carried on upon the invitation of 
people many of whom had at the earlier time been arrayed 
against us. Moreover, I have carefully revised and put in 
final shape what I then said, and have added to it a number 
of extracts, references and'illustrations which I think will not 
be without a certain value in future debates over this long 
contested issue. 

Finally, I have tried to approach the problem solely and 
purely in an historic spirit. Indeed, I take little interest in 
the legal argument ; for this question cannot, it seems to me, 
be disposed of in that way. It is not a matter of the technical 
construction of a written instrument ; it is a case of evolution, 
— the growth and development of a living organism. What 
was true of the American people in 1787 had become false in 
1860; conditions and modes of thought which prevailed gen- 
erally in the earlier period had passed out of existence in the 
latter. Not only were they defunct, they were actually and 
literally forgotten. The world had moved ; and, with the 
passage of years, the Constitution had become transformed, 
if not transfigured. It was this process of historical evolution 
and development which interested me, and not the proper 


construction of words and phrases. To that I devoted my 
attention. On that ground, therefore, I now, with the So- 
ciety's permission, submit my conclusions to become a part 
of our Proceedings, in connection with Mr. Chamberlain's 
similar paper of May last. 

11 ANArKH " 

Two hundred and sixty-four years ago a schism, since become his- 
toric, occurred in the infant colony of Massachusetts Bay. It was 
rent in twain ; and so, as the Father of Massachusetts has recorded, 
" finding, upon consultation that two so opposite parties could not 
continue in the same body without apparent hazard of ruin to the 
whole, [those in the majority] agreed to send away some of the prin- 
cipal." ' And again, "by the example of Lot in Abraham's family, 
and after Hagar and Ishmael, he [Governor John Winthrop] saw they 
must be sent away." 2 Those thus proscribed went accordingly into 
banishment; and so, the year following, Rhode Island came into ex- 
istence. This was in 1638; and, in 1640, the chief of those thus 
thrust into exile having occasion to write to the magistrate who had 
enforced the order of banishment, said, with a pathos reached only by 
words of simplicity, " what myself and wife and family did endure in 
that removal, I wish neither you nor yours may ever be put unto " ; 3 
but again, and at almost the same time, writing from his new home in 
Newport, Governor William Coddington expressed to Governor John 
Winthrop the approval he felt " of a speech of one of note amongst 
you, that we were in a heate and chafed, and were all of us to blame ; 
in our strife we had forgotten that we were brethren." 4 

The expression is apt; the admission appropriate. More, much 
more than two years ago, — longer ago than the lifetime of a gen- 
eration, — Massachusetts and South Carolina got in " a heate and 
chafed " one with the other, and fell into bitter strife. Forgetting 
that we were brethren, were we also " all of us to blame " ? 

Not long since, circumstances led me into a dispassionate re-ex- 
amination of the great issues over which the country divided in the 
mid-years of the last century. As a result thereof, I said in a certain 
Phi Beta Kappa Society address 5 delivered in June, at Chicago, copies 
of which some of you may have seen, — " legally and technically, — 

1 Winthrop's History (Savage's ed.), vol. i. p. *245. 

2 Ibid., vol. i. p. *250. 

3 The Winthrop Papers, 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi. p. 314. 

4 Ibid., p. 317. 

5 " Shall Cromwell Have a Statue ? " ; see Lee at Appomattox and Other 
Papers (2d ed.), pp. 366, 367. 


not morally, again let me say, and wholly irrespective of humanitarian 
considerations, — to which side did the weight of argument incline 
during the great debate which culminated in our Civil War ? ... If 
we accept the judgment of some of the more modern students and 
investigators of history, — either wholly unprejudiced or with a dis- 
tinct Union bias, — it would seem as if the weight of argument falls 
into what I will term the Confederate scale." And I then referred to 
some recent utterances of Professor Goldwin Smith and Mr. Henry 
Cabot Lodge. 1 Incited by those utterances to yet further inquiry of 
my own, the result thereof was, to me at least, curious; — and not 
curious only, for, I may add, it proved highly suggestive of moralizing. 
The question is now one purely historic; but on that question of 
the weight of authority and argument as respects the right of secession, 
I found a divergence of opinion existing to-day so great as hardly to 
admit of reconciliation. On the one side it was — I am told still is 2 — 
taught as an article of political faith, that not only was the constitu- 
tional right of peaceable secession at will plain, manifest, and expressly 
reserved, but that, until a comparatively recent period, it had never 
been even disputed. In the words of one writer of authority — 
" through a period of many years, the right of secession was not 
seriously questioned in any quarter except under the exigencies of 
party politics." 3 On the other hand, in the section of the country 
where my lot has been cast, this alleged heresy is sternly denounced, 
and those propounding it are challenged to their proofs. With equal 
positiveness it is claimed that, from the time of the adoption of the 
Constitution down to a comparatively recent day, " there was not a 

1 See Proceedings, Second Series, vol. xvi. pp. 151, 152. 

2 During the past summer a very curious and significant discussion has been 
carried on in the columns of the press, more especially in the New York " Even- 
ing Post " and the Boston " Transcript." It originated in a communication 
which appeared in the New York "Nation" of August 7, 1902, from a Professor 
of Randolph-Macon College, Virginia. The writer said: "This public opinion 
[now prevalent in the South] positively demands that teachers of history, both 
in the colleges and high schools, shall subscribe unreservedly to two trite oaths : 

(1) That the South was altogether right in seceding from the Union in 1861 ; and 

(2) that the war was not waged about the negro." A Southern writer, com- 
menting on this communication, and, to a degree, controverting its statements, 
proceeds on the assumption that — " Historical scholarship has settled the fact 
that according to the interpretation of the American Constitution up to the time 
of the Civil War the Southern States did have the right to secede from the 
Union." The whole opposite contention from the days of Andrew Jackson and 
Daniel Webster to 1860 is thus summarily dismissed. 

3 J. William Jones, Chaplain-General of the United Confederate Veterans, on 
the study of American History in Southern Schools and Colleges. The South in 
IIiston T , Baltimore Sun, August 10, 1002. See, also, Oration by Hon. John 
W. Daniel on the Life, Services and Character of Jefferson Davis, January 25, 
1890, pp. 33-35. 


man in the country who thought or claimed that the new system was 
anything but a perpetual Union." l 

Which contention, I asked, is right 1 And separating myself from 
my present environment, 1 tried to go back to the past, and to see 
things, not as they now are, but as they were; as they appeared to 
those of three generations gone, — to the fathers, in short, of our 
grandfathers. It was a groping after forgotten facts and conditions 
in places dark and unfamiliar. The results reached, also, were, I 
confess, very open to question. But, while more or less curious as 
well as unexpected, they were such as a Massachusetts man, forty 
years ago at this time in arms for the Union, need not hesitate to set 
forth in South Carolina, where the right of secession, no longer pro- 
claimed as a theory, w T as first resorted to as a fact. 

It was Alexander Pope, hard on two centuries ago (1733), who 

wrote : — 

" Manners with fortunes, humors turn with climes, 
Tenets with books, and principles with times." 

And, again, Tennyson in our day has said: — 

" The drift of the Maker is dark, an Isis hid by the veil. 
Who knows the ways of the world, how God will bring them about? 
Our planet is one, the suns are many, the world is wide. 

We are puppets, Man in his pride, and Beauty fair in her flower ; 
Do we move ourselves, or are moved by an unseen hand at a game 
That pushes us off from the board, and others ever succeed? " 

As I delved into the record, I concluded that humors turned quite 
as much with climes in the nineteenth century as they did in the 
eighteenth ; and that, in the later as in the earlier period, principles, 
so called, bore a very close relation to times. We, too, had been 
" puppets " moved by " an unseen hand at a game." As, in short, I 
pursued my inquiries, the individual became more and more mini- 
mized; chance and predestination cut larger figures; and, at last, it 
all assumed the form of a great fatalistic process, from which the 
unexpected alone was sure to result. 

But to come to the record. For more than a century, lawyers, 
jurists and publicists — journalists, politicians and statesmen — have 
been arguing over the Federal Constitution. Sovereignty carries with 
it allegiance. Wherein rested sovereignty ? Was it in the State or 
in the Nation 1 Was the United States a unit, — an indissoluble 
Union of indestructible States, 2 — or was it a mere confederacy of 

1 D. H. Chamberlain, Proceedings, Second Series, vol. xvi. p. 173, May 
Meeting, 1902. 

2 " An indestuctible Union composed of indestructible States," Chief Justice 
Chase, Texas v. White, 7 Wallace, 725. "An indissoluble Union of imperishable 
States," Bancroft, History of the Formation of the Constitution, vol. ii. p. 334. 


nations, held together solely by a compact upon possible infringements 
of which each one, so far as it was concerned, was a final judge? 
Each postulate has been maintained from the beginning; for that 
matter, is maintained still. Each has been argued out with great 
legal acumen and much metaphysical skill to results wholly satisfac- 
tory to those that way inclined; and yet absolutely illogical and 
absurd to the faithful of the other side. It was the old case of the 
shield of the silver and golden sides. That the two sides were irrecon- 
cilable made no difference. Be it silver or gold, the thing to him who 
had eyes to see was in his sight silver or gold, as the case might be. 
And yet, as I pursued my inquiries, I gradually felt assured, not that 
the thing was in this case either silver or gold, but that it was both 
silver and gold. Everybody, in short, was right; no one wrong. 
Conditions changed, and with them not only appearances but princi- 
ples, and even facts. Simply, the inevitable, and yet the unexpected, 
had occurred. 

This I propose for my thesis. 

In dealing with these questions the lawyers, I find, start always 
with the assumption that, at a given time in the past, to wit, at or 
about 1788, there was in the thirteen States, then soon to become the 
present United States, a definite consensus of public opinion, which 
found expression in a written compact, since known as the Federal 
Constitution. But was this really the case? Public opinion, so 
called, is a very elusive and uncertain something, signifying things 
different at different times and in different places. Especially was this 
the case in the States of the old Federation. So far as I can ascertain, 
every State of the Federation became a member of the Union with 
mental reservations, often unexpressed, growing out of local traditions 
and interests, in the full and correct understanding of which the action 
of each must be studied. 1 Dissatisfied with the past and doubtful of 
the future, jealous of liberties, to the last degree provincial and sus- 
picious of all external rule, intensely common-sensed, but illogical and 
alive with local prejudice, the one thing our ancestry united in most 
apprehending was a centralized government. From New Hampshire 
to Georgia such a government was associated with the idea of a foreign 
regime. The people clung to the local autonomy, — the Sovereignty 
of the State. With this fundamental fact the framers of the Constitu- 
tion had to deal. And they did so, in my opinion, with consummate 
skill. Accepting things as they were, they went as far as they could, 

1 " Every State has some objection to the present form [the Constitution of 
1788, then under discussion] and these objections are directed to different points. 
That which is most pleasing to one is obnoxious to another, and so vice versa." 
George Washington to Bushrod Washington, November 10, 1787. Writings of 
Washington, Ford's ed., vol. xi. p. 184. 


leaving the outcome to time and the process of natural growth. The 
immediate result was a nation founded on a metaphysical abstrac- 
tion, — a condition of unstable equilibrium. It could not endure. But 
the great mass of people composing a community — Lincoln's "plain 
people " — are not metaphysicians, and do not philosophize. Loving 
to argue, in argument they are not logical. Even in Virginia they 
were not then all abstractionists; and while, in a vague way, the 
Virginians wanted to become part of one people, they never proposed 
to cease to be Virginians, or to permit Virginia to become other than 
a Sovereign State. It was so with the others. 

Confronted with this fact, what did the fraraers of the Constitution 
propose 1 Taking refuge in metaphysics, they proposed a contradiction 
in terms — a divided sovereignty. Sovereignty, it was argued, was in 
the People. But who are the People ? The People of the United 
States, it was replied, are the aggregate of those inhabiting the par- 
ticular States. Then they began to apportion sovereignty, oblivious 
of the fact that sovereignty does not admit of apportionment. Pursu- 
ing some vague analogy of the solar system, and conceiving of States 
as planets in their orbits, the People of the particular States assigned 
to the Nation a modicum of sovereignty, conferred another modicum 
on the State governments, and reserved whatever remained to them- 
selves. Now it is written, " No man can serve two masters : for either 
he will hate the one and love the other; or else he will hold to the 
one and despise the other." The everlasting truth of this precept in 
the fulness of time held good in our case. From the moment the 
fathers sought to divide the indivisible, the result was written on the 
wall. It was a mere question of years and of might. Sovereignty 
had to be somewhere, and accepted as being there. 

Thus, intentionally by some of the most far-seeing, unintentionally 
by others anxious to effect only a more perfect union, a pious fraud 
was in 1788 perpetrated on the average American, and his feet were 
directed into a path which inevitably led him to the goal he least 
designed for his journey's end. 1 

1 "The convention framed a constitution by the adoption of which thirteen 
peoples imagining themselves still independent and sovereign, really acknowl- 
edged themselves to be but parts of a single political whole. But they made this 
acknowledgment unconsciously. They continued to think of themselves as sov- 
ereigns who indeed permitted an agent to exercise some of their functions for 
them, but who had not abdicated their thrones. If the constitution had con- 
tained a definite statement of the actual fact ; if it had said that to adopt it was 
to acknowledge the sovereignty of the one American people, no part of which 
could sever its connections from the rest without the consent of the whole, it 
would probably have been rejected by every State in the Union." J. P. Gordy, 
Political Parties in the United States (edition 1900), vol. i. p. 79. "To the 
familiar state governments which had so long possessed their love and alle- 
giance, [the plan devised and recommended by the Federal Convention of 1787] 


" Through the Valley of Love I went, 
In the lovingest spot to abide, 
And just on the verge where I pitched my tent, 
I found Hate dwelling beside." 

The bond was deceptive ; for, on this vital point of ultimate sover- 
eignty, — To whom was allegiance due in cases of direct issue and last 
resort ? — on this crucial point of points the Constitution was not self- 
explanatory, — explicit. Nor was it meant to be. The framers — that 
is, the more astute, practical, and far-seeing — went as far as they dared. 
The difficulty — the contradiction involved — was explicitly, and 
again and again, pointed out. It is impossible to believe that a man 
so intellectually acute as Hamilton failed to see the inherent weakness 
of the plan proposed. He did see it; but, under existing conditions, 
it was, from his point of view, the best attainable. Madison, though 
a man of distinctly constructive mind, was also an abstractionist. He 
seems really to have had faith in the principle of an unstable political 
equilibrium. At a later day that faith was put to a rude test; and, in 
1814, while the Hartford Convention was in session, the scales fell 
from his eyes. He had all he wanted of a divided sovereignty in prac- 
tical operation. Lawyers, meanwhile, have since argued on this point; 
philosophers and publicists have refined over it; historians have ana- 
lyzed the so-called original materials of history ; and men with arms in 
their hands have fought the tiling to a final result. Nevertheless, the 
real facts in the case seem quite clear, and altogether otherwise than 
they are usually assumed to have been. 

When the Federal Constitution was framed and adopted, — an 
indissoluble Union of indestructible States, — what was the law of 
treason, — to what or to whom, in case of final issue, did the average 
citizen owe allegiance ? Was it to the Union or to his State ? As a 
practical question, seeing things as they then were, — sweeping aside 
all incontrovertible legal arguments and metaphysical disquisitions, — 
I do not think the answer admits of doubt. If put in 1788, or indeed 
at any time anterior to 1825, the immediate reply of nine men out of 
ten in the Northern States, and of ninety-nine out of a hundred in the 
Southern States, would have been that, as between the Union and the 
State, ultimate allegiance was due to the State. 

A recurrence to the elementary principles of human nature tells us 
that this would have been so, and could have been no otherwise. We 
have all heard of a famous, much-quoted remark of Mr. Gladstone to 
the effect that the Constitution of the United States was " the most 
wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and pur- 
was superadding a new and untried government, which it was feared would 
swallow up the states and everywhere extinguish local independence." Fiske, 
The Critical Period of American History, p. 237. 


pose of man." This may or may not be so. I propose neither to 
affirm nor to controvert it, here and now; but, however wonderful it 
may actually have been, it would have been more than wonderful, it 
would have been distinctly miraculous, had it on the instant so wrought 
with men as at once to transfer the allegiance and affection of those com- 
posing thirteen distinct communities from their old traditional govern- 
ments to one newly improvised. The tiling hardly admits of discussion. 
The change was political and far-reaching ; but it produced no immedi- 
ate effect on the feelings of the people. As well say that the union of 
the crowns of Scotland and England immediately broke up Scotch 
clanship. It did break it up ; but the process was continuous through 
one hundred and fifty years. The union became an organic and legal- 
ized fact in 1707; but, as the events of forty years 'ater showed, the 
consequences of the union no Campbell nor Cameron foresaw. So with 
us in 1788, allegiance to State had only a few years before proved 
stronger than allegiance to the Crown or to the Confederation, and no 
one then was " foolish enough to suppose that " the executive of the 
Union " would dare enforce a law against the wishes of a sovereign 
and independent State"; the very idea was deemed "preposterous." 
" That this new government, this upstart of yesterday, had the power 
to impose its edicts on unwilling States was a political solecism to 
which they could in no wise assent."* 

I am sure that all this was so in 1788. I am very confident it re- 
mained so until 1815. I fully believe it was so, though in less degree, 
until at least 1830. A generation of men born in the Union had 
then grown up, supplanting the generations born and brought up in 
the States. Steam and electricity had not yet begun to exert their 
cementing influence ; but time, sentiment, tradition, — more, and most 
of all, the intense feeling excited North and South by our naval suc- 
cesses under the national flag in the War of 1812, — had in 1815 in 
large part done their work. The sense of ultimate allegiance was 
surely, though slowly as insensibly, shifting from the particular and 
gravitating to the general, — from the State to the Union. It was not 
a question of law, or of the intent of the fathers, or the true construc- 
tion of a written instrument ; for, on that vital point, the Constitution 
was silent, — wisely, and, as I hold it, intentionally silent. But, 
though through and because of that silence there may have been 
ground for a difference of opinion as to the right of secession, there 
is no possible room for doubt, whether doubt legal or doubt historical, 
on the question of a divided sovereignty. 2 That is part of the record. 

1 Gordy, Political Parties in the United States, vol. i. pp. 203, 341. 

2 "Every State in the Union, in every instance where its sovereignty has not 
been delegated to the United States, is considered to be as completely sovereign 
as the United States are in respect to the powers surrendered. The United 



Only strictly limited and carefully enumerated powers were conceded 
by the States to the Nation; the rest were reserved. Even, there- 
fore, though Mr. Lodge and Professor Smith, and the other authorities 
I have referred to, may be totally wrong on the question of the right 
of withdrawal from the Union, and the views held in regard to a 
withdrawal at the time the Constitution was adopted, 1 — and I wish 
here distinctly to say that, in my opinion, they were wrong, and a 
somewhat careful examination of the record has disclosed to me no 
evidence on which to base their somewhat sweeping assertions, — 
though, I say, Mr. Lodge and Professor Smith may be wrong, yet 
whether they were wrong or right does not affect the proposition that, 
from 1788 to 1861, in case of direct and insoluble issue between sov- 
ereign State and sovereign Nation, every man was not only free to 
decide, but had to decide the question of ultimate allegiance for him- 
self j and, whichever way he decided, he was right. 2 The Constitu- 

States are sovereign as to all the powers of government actually surrendered; 
each State in the Union is sovereign as to all the powers reserved." Mr. Justice 
Iredell of the United States Supreme Court, in 1793 (2 Dallas, 435). Judge Iredell 
was a member of the Convention of 1787, which framed the Constitution, and 
advocated its adoption in the North Carolina Convention. 

1 As respects contemporaneous opinion there can be no authority higher than 
that of Madison, cited by Mr. Chamberlain, Proceedings, Second Series, vol. 
xvi. p. 167. On this point Fiske says : " The decisive struggle was over the 
question whether New York could ratify the Constitution conditionally, reserv- 
ing to herself the right to withdraw from the Union in case the amendments 
upon which she had set her heart should not be adopted. Upon this point 
Hamilton reinforced himself with the advice of Madison, who had just returned 
to New York. Could a State once adopt the Constitution, and then withdraw from 
the Union if not satisfied? Madison's reply was prompt and decisive. No, such 
a thing could never be done. A State which had once ratified was in the federal 
bond forever. The Constitution could not provide for nor contemplate its own 
overthrow. There could be no such thing as a constitutional right of secession," 
The Critical Period of American History, 1783-1789, pp. 343, 344. 

2 Much has been written, said and declaimed as to the peculiar and excep- 
tional allegiance due, in case of attempted secession, to the national government 
from the graduates of the Military Academy at West Point. It is, however, a 
noticeable fact that anterior to 1840 the doctrine of the right of secession seems 
to have been inculcated at West Point as an admitted principle of Constitutional 
Law. Story's "Commentaries" was first published in 1833. Prior to its ap- 
pearance the standard text-book on the subject was llawle's " View of the Con- 
stitution." This was published in Philadelphia in 1825. William Pawle, its 
author, was an eminent Philadelphia lawyer. A man of twenty-nine at the time 
the Constitution was adopted, and already in active professional life, in 1792 he 
was offered a judicial position by Washington. Subsequently he was for many 
years Chancellor of the Law Association of Philadelphia, and principal author of 
the revised code of Pennsylvania. He stood in the foremost rank of the legal 
luminaries of the first third of the century. His instincts, sympathies and con- 
nections were all national. Prior to 1840 his " View " was the text-book in use 
at West Point. In this treatise the principle involved was thus set forth : — 

"If a faction should attempt to subvert the government of a State for the 


tion gave him two masters. Both he could not serve ; and the average 
man decided which to serve in the light of sentiment, tradition and 
environment. Of this I feel as historically confident as I can feel of 
any fact not matter of absolute record or susceptible of demonstration. 
I have already referred to the academic address I some months ago 
had occasion to deliver. In response to it I received quite a number 
of letters, one of which, bearing on this point, seemed very notable. 
It was from the president of an historic Virginia college, who himself 
bears an historic Virginia name. In the address alluded to I had said 
that, " however it may have been in 1788, in 1860 a nation had grown 
into existence." This I take to be indisputable. In no way denying 
the fact, my correspondent, quoting the words I have given, thus 
wrote: " But is it not true that this nationality was after all a North- 
ern nationality % Did the South share in it to any extent 1 On the 
contrary, the Confederate character of the Union was more strongly 
impressed upon the South in 1861 than in 1788. So that it may be 

purpose of destroying its republican form, the paternal power of the Union could 
thus be called forth to subdue it. Yet it is not to be understood that its inter- 
position would be justifiable if the people of a State should determine to reiire 
from the Union, whether they adopted another or retained the same form of 
government" (p. 289). . . . 

" The States, then, may wholly withdraw from the Union ; but while they 
continue they must retain the character of representative republics" (p. 290). 

" The secession of a State from the Union depends on the will of the people of 
such State. The people alone, as we have already seen, hold the power to alter 
their constitution. The Constitution of the United States is, to a certain extent, 
incorporated into the constitutions of the several States by the act of the people. 
The State legislatures have only to perform certain organical operations in re- 
spect to it. To withdraw from the Union comes not within the general scope of 
their delegated authority. There must be an express provision to that effect 
inserted in the State constitutions. This is not at present the case with any of 
them, and it would perhaps be impolitic to confide it to them. A matter so mo- 
mentous ought not to be entrusted to those who would have it in their power to 
exercise it lightly and precipitately upon sudden dissatisfaction, or causeless 
jealousy, perhaps against the interests and the wishes of a majority of their 

" But in any manner by which a secession is to take place, nothing is more 
certain than that the act should be deliberate, clear, and unequivocal. The per- 
spicuity and solemnity of the original obligation require correspondent qualities 
in its dissolution. The powers of the general government cannot be defeated or 
impaired by an ambiguous or implied secession on the part of the State, although 
a secession may perhaps be conditional. The people of the State may have some 
reasons to complain in respect to acts of the general government; they may in 
such cases invest some of their own officers with the power of negotiation, and 
may declare an absolute secession in case of their failure. Still, however, the 
secession must in such case be distinctly and peremptorily declared to take place 
on that event ; and in such case, as in the case of an unconditional secession, the 
previous ligament with the Union would be legitimately and fairly destroyed. 
But in either case the people is the only moving power" (pp. 295, 296). 


more truly said that the Secessionists' recourse in 1861 was to peace- 
able separation, and not to the sword. If the North was really the 
only national part of the Union, and its national character reached out 
after the South, must not the responsibility for the use of the sword 
be visited upon the North, and not on the South ? Both North and 
South started out from the same constitutional standpoint of secession; 
but, while the South adhered to the same idea, the North fused into a 
nation, which, in 1861, determined to conquer the other and conserva- 
tive part. That the South had ever suffered nationalization in spirit 
or in fact, previous to 1861, I think your address clearly disproves." 

In some of the conclusions assumed in this extract from the letter of 
my Virginia correspondent, it is needless to say I do not concur. I do 
not, as I have said, believe in the right of secession as an original 
"constitutional standpoint" from which, in 1788, North and South 
started out. Neither do I believe that a " peaceable separation " was 
ever contemplated as a possibility by any one ; least of all by those who 
took the lead in the Confederate movement of 1861. I do, however, 
believe, and the record moreover shows, that the essential ■ basic prin- 
ciple of the constitution was a divided sovereignty, and, in the contin- 
gency of a direct insoluble issue, a consequently divided personal 

But, this premised, on the main issue — the essential point involved 
in the extract from his letter — the writer was, I think, right. Previous 
to 1861 the South did not undergo nationalization, to the same extent, 
in any event, as the North. And why did it not? Again, Tenny- 
son's " unseen hand at a game " ! — a game in which we are " pup- 
pets." But, after all, what is that " unseen hand"? And how did 
it manifest itself in our national life during the three-fourths of a 
century, between 1788 and 1861 ? That " unseen hand, " theologi- 
cally known as an " inscrutable providence, " I take to be nothing 
more or less than those material, social, industrial and political con- 
ditions, domestic and public, which, making up our environment, 
mould our destiny with no very great regard for our plans, our hopes, 
our traditions or our aspirations. All of which is merely our nine- 
teenth century agnostical way of putting the fifteenth century aphor- 
ism that " Man proposes, but God disposes." With a political instinct 
which now seems marvellous, Madison, in the course of debate in the 
Constitutional Convention of 1787, casting a prophetic glance into 
futurity, said : " The great danger to our general government is, that 
the Southern and Northern interests of the continent are opposed to 
each other, not from their difference of size, but from climate, and 
principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. De- 
fensive power ought to be given, not between the large and small 
States, but between the Northern and Southern." And again, " The 


greatest danger is disunion of the States " ; and, " It seems now well 
understood that the real difference of interests lies, not between the 
large and small, but between the Northern and Southern States." 
Based on this line of broad difference, the contest was " between the 
fear of the centripetal and the fear of the centrifugal force in the sys- 
tem." On the other side of the Atlantic, a shrewd observer and 
pioneer economist, profoundly opposed to the British policy during 
our War of Independence, had thus, shortly before, cast a horoscope 
of the American people : " The mutual antipathies and clashing inter- 
ests of the Americans, their difference of governments, habitudes and 
manners, indicate that they will have no centre of union and no com- 
mon interest. They never can be united into one compact empire 
under any species of government whatever; a disunited people till the 
end of time, suspicious and distrustful of each other, they will be 
divided and sub-divided into little commonwealths or principalities, 
according to natural boundaries, by great bays of the sea and by vast 
rivers, lakes, and ridges of mountains." x 

Into the details of the conflict over sovereignty which dragged along 
for seventy years, it is needless for me here to enter. A twice-told 
tale, I certainly have no new light to cast upon it; but in freshly re- 
viewing it, that aspect of it which has most impressed me is its resem- 
blance to the classic. Throughout Fate, the inevitable, " the unseen 
hand," are everywhere now apparent, — destiny had to be fulfilled. 
In connection with the history of those momentous years, we read 
much of men ; and, indeed, it is a galaxy of great names, — Washing- 
ton, Hamilton, Jefferson, Marshall, Madison, Webster, Calhoun; but, 
as I went back to the deeper underlying influences, — the profound 
currents of thought and action which in the end worked results, — one 
and all those bearing even these names became Tennyson's " puppets " 
moved by the " unseen hand at the game." In this respect our story 
is suggestive of some cosmic theory, — the process by which suns and 
planets and satellites are evolved; and gradually it seems as if the 
individual man were able to affect the course of events and final results 
as respects the outcome of the one as much as he does of the other. 2 

1 Josiah Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, quoted by Bancroft, History of the For- 
mation of the Constitution, i. 65. 

2 This assertion, I am aware, is very open to dispute, and impossible of proof. 
The theory that men who, in history, appear to have given shape to their own 
times, and, by so doing, to subsequent times, did, after all, but represent, embody 
and bring to a head the tendencies of their age; which embodiment would have 
inevitably taken place through some other, if they had not been, — this theory of 
historic fatalism was first developed "by Buckle in his " History of Civilization in 
England," half a century ago. There is certainly an element of truth in it, inas- 
much as no man can be really great except in so far as he reads his time aright, 
"translating its dumb inarticulate cry into some articulate language, divining 
its wants and satisfying them, seeing and laying hold of the helps which the 


The elaborate legal arguments, the metaphysical theories and historical 
disquisitions, — even the rights and wrongs of the case, — became quite 
immaterial, and altogether insignificant. In obedience to underlying 
influences, and in conformity with natural laws, a system is crystal- 
lizing. Discordant elements blend; assimilation, willing or reluctant, 
goes on. 

See how the sides change — how rapidly " humors turn with climes " ; 
while, as to the principles involved, the mutation is only less complete 
than sincere. Nationality, as we see it to-day, had its birth in Vir- 
ginia ; and the Sovereignty of the Union assumed shape through the 
agency of Washington and was slowly perfected by Marshall, both 
more or less consciously responding to a natural movement, and work- 
ing in harmony with it. Next, Virginia and her offspring, Kentucky, 
are passing the resolves of 1798, and arraying themselves under the 
standard of decentralization. The government then passes into the 
hands of the protestants; and, almost at once, again in response to an 
underlying, unseen influence too strong to resist, the process of a more 
complete crystallization enters on a new phase; and, as it does so, 
catholic suddenly becomes protestant, and while Federalist New Eng- 
land formally pronounces the Union at an end, Jeffersonian Virginia 
supplies fresh aliment to nationality. 

Meanwhile, the " unseen hand " is again at work, and the " puppets " 
duly respond. They thought, and we once thought, they were free 
agents. Not at all. In the light of development it is clear to us now 
that they merely went through their motions in obedience to influences 

time affords to carry out the work which the time requires." On the other 
hand, it is impossible to ignore the influence of exceptional individuality on the 
course of events, as evidenced by innumerable instances from Moses to Bismarck. 
In the case of the development of American nationality because of the adoption, and 
under the operation, of the Federal Constitution, the two possible individual excep- 
tions to the general rule would seem to be Washington and Marshall. But for the 
respect in which Washington was held, and the general recognition of his great 
attributes of character, it is very questionable whether the Constitution of 1788 
would have been adopted, or could have been set in successful operation. But 
for the solid judicial renderings of Marshall, stretching through a long period of 
years, our system of constitutional law would hardly have assumed consistency 
and shape. Yet, on the other hand, the American community made both Wash- 
ington and Marshall possible. They were the natural outcome of their environ- 
ment. The producing power and the thing produced had to be in harmony, and 
act and react on each other. While the United States that now is would almost 
certainly have been something quite other but for the presence and influence of 
Washington and Marshall as factors in the solution of the problem, Washington 
and Marshall would have failed to produce their results had they not been in 
complete and happy accord with the community and conditions in which they 
lived and worked. As to the others named, there is no sufficient reason to doubt 
that the work done and the influence exerted by them would have been done or 
exerted by others had they not come forward. 


of the mere existence of which they were at most but vaguely con- 
scious. The drama was drawing insensibly to a crisis; the forces were 
arraying themselves in opposing ranks on the lines forecast by Madison 
in 1788. With much confidence I assert, in its fundamentals there 
was no right or wrong about it ; it was an inevitable, irrepressible con- 
flict, — the question of sovereignty was to be decided, and either side 
could offer good ground, historical and legal, for any attitude taken in 
regard to it. That shield did actually have a silver as well as a golden 

Historically speaking, from the close of our second War of Inde- 
pendence, — commonly known as that of 1812, — the ebb and flow of 
the great currents of influence had set in new and definite channels. 
Gradually they assumed irresistible force therein. Side by side two 
civilizations — a Chang and Eng — were developing. North of the 
Potomac and the Ohio a community was taking shape the whole ten- 
dency of which was national. Very fluid in its elements, commercial 
and manufacturing in its diversified industries, it was largely composed 
of Europeans or their descendants, who, knowing little of States, cared 
nothing for State Sovereignty, which, indeed, like the Unknown God 
to the Greeks, was to them foolishness. This vast discordant migra- 
tion the railroad, the common school and the newspaper were rapidly 
merging, coalescing and fusing into a harmonious whole. Naturally it 
found a mouthpiece; and that mouthpiece preached Union. It was 
not exactly a consistent utterance; for, less than a score of years 
before, the same voice had been loud and emphatic in behalf of State 
Sovereignty. 1 

1 In a speech on the Conscription Bill, made in the House of Representatives 
at Washington, December 9, 1814, Mr. Webster, then in Congress from New 
Hampshire, thus expressed himself: — 

"In my opinion [the law under consideration for compulsory army and mili- 
tary service] ought not to be carried into effect. The operation of measures thus 
unconstitutional and illegal ought to be prevented, by a resort to other measures 
which are both constitutional and legal. It will be the solemn duty of the State 
Governments to protect their own authority over their own Militia, and to interpose 
between their citizens and arbitrary power. These are among the objects for 
which the State Governments exist; and their highest obligations bind them to the 
preservation of their own rights and the liberties of their people. I express these 
sentiments here, Sir, because I shall express them to my constituents. Both they 
and myself live under a Constitution which teaches us, that ' the doctrine of non- 
resistance against arbitrary power and oppression, is absurd, slavish, and destruc- 
tive of the good and happiness of mankind.' With the same earnestness with 
which I now exhort you to forbear from these measures, I shall exhort them to 
exercise their unquestionable right of providing for the security of their own 
liberties." Van Tyne, The Letters of Daniel Webster, p. 67. 

This speech, delivered in the National House of Representatives, during the 
very gloomiest period of the War of 1812-1814, four months afier the battle of 
Bladensburg and the capture of Washington, and one month before the defeat 


So much for Chang, north of the Potomac and the Ohio ; but with 
Eng, south of those streams, it was altogether otherwise. Under the 
influence of climate, soil, and a system of forced African labor the 
Southern States irresistibly reverted to the patriarchal conditions, 
becoming more and more agricultural; and, as is always the case with 
agricultural races and patriarchal communities, they clung ever more 
closely to their traditions and local institutions. Then it was that 
Calhoun, the most rigid of logicians, in obedience to an irresistible 
influence of the presence and power of which he was unconscious, — 
Calhoun, the unionist of the War of 1812 and protectionist of 1816, 
turned to the Constitution; he began that "more diligent and careful 
scrutiny into its provisions, in order to ascertain fully the nature and 
character of our political system." Needless to say, he there found 
what he was in search of. 1 But a similar scrutiny was at the same 

of the British at New Orleans, has only recently been published. In language 
slightly varied it was a repetition of the words of Governor Jonathan Trumbull, 
addressed to the Legislature of Connecticut, at the opening of its special session, 
February 23, 1809: " Whenever our national legislature is led to overleap the 
prescribed bounds of their constitutional powers, on the State legislatures, in great 
emergencies, devolves the arduous task — it is their right— it becomes their 
duty, to interpose their protecting shield between the right and liberty of the 
people, and the assumed power of the General Government." Again, Mr. Web- 
ster did but voice, in the extract above quoted, the full spirit of the famous 
Hartford Convention, which began its sessions six days after the delivery of the 
speech. The following was among the resolutions there passed, following closely, 
in time of active foreign war, Madison's own language in drafting the Virginia 
Resolutions of 1798 : " The mode and the energy of the opposition should always 
conform to the nature of the violation, the intention of its authors, the extent of 
the injury inflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it, and the danger 
of delay. But in cases of deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the 
Constitution, affecting the sovereignty of a State and liberties of the people, 
it is not only the right but the duty of such a State to interpose its authority for 
their protection in the manner best calculated to secure that end. When emer- 
gencies occur which are either beyond the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too 
pressing to admit of the delay incident to their forms, States which have no com- 
mon umpire must be their own judges, and execute their own decisions." 

Mr. Webster, in his reply to Hayne, said : " 1 do not hold that the Hartford 
Convention was pardonable, even to the extent of the gentleman's admission, if 
its objects were really such as have been imputed to it." It is somewhat curious 
to consider what would have been the attitude of the Massachusetts Senator, if, 
after uttering these words, the Senator from South Carolina had been able to 
confront him with his speech of fifteen years previous in the other hall of the 
Capitol, But 

" Manners with fortunes, humors turn with climes, 
Tenets with books, and principles with times." 

1 "Just at what time Calhoun changed from a protectionist to a free trader, 
from a liberal to a conservative, from a liberal constructionist to a strict construc- 
tionist, from a progressionist to an obstructionist, has been difficult to determine. 
One thing is clear ; his change followed that of the ma jority of the people of the 
State ; and whatever pressure there was, was exerted by the State on him, and 


time going on in New England. As a result of the two scrutinies, 
Chang and Eng both changed sides. Before, Chang's side of the 
shield was gold, while that of Eng was silver ; now, Chang saw quite 
clearly that it was silver after all, while Eng recognized it as burnished 
gold of the purest stamp. Both were honest, and both fully con- 
vinced. Both also were right; the simple truth — the truth of holy 
writ — being that no man can serve two masters, and two masters 
the fundamental law prescribed. The inevitable ensued. 

But what was the inevitable 1 That again, as I read the story of 
our development, was purely a matter of circumstance and time. 
Fate — the Greek necessity — intervened in those lists and decided 
the issue of battle. To my mind, the record is from its commence- 
ment absolutely clear on one point, — and that, the vital point. 
After the 25th of July, 1788, when the last of the nine States neces- 
sary to the adoption of the Federal Constitution acted favorably 
thereon, the withdrawal of a State, or States, from the Union, all the- 
ories to the contrary notwithstanding, became practically an issue of 
might. Into the abstract question of right 1 will not enter, — least of 
all, here and now. But, conceding everything that may be asked on 
the point of abstract right, — looking only on imperfect and illogical 
man as he is, and as he acts in this world's occasions and exigencies, 
— I adhere on this point to my own belief. In 1790 Hhode Island 
was spared from being " coerced " into the Union only by a voluntary, 
though very reluctant, acceptance of it; and from that day to 1861 
any attempted withdrawal from the Union would, after long argument 
over the question of right, have ultimately resolved itself into an issue 
of might. 

Here again the elements of the Greek drama once more confront 
us — the Fates, necessity. What at different epochs would have been 
the probable outcome of any attempt at withdrawal? That ever, at 

not by him on the State." A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina. 
David Franklin Houston, Harvard Historical Studies, pp. 60, 82. 

When time was ripe, however, and he had directed that "more diligent and 
careful scrutiny " into the provisions of the Constitution necessary " in order to 
ascertain fully the nature and character of our political system," he found him- 
self compelled to a dispensation, — a dispensation new to him, to the country 
very old. He thus formulated it: " The great and leading principle is, that the 
general government emanated from the people of the several States, forming dis- 
tinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, 
and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community; that 
the Constitution of the United States is, in fact, a compact, to which each State 
is a party, in the character already described; and that the several States, or par- 
ties, have a right to judge of its infractions ; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, 
and dangerous exercise of power not delegated, they have the right, in the last re- 
sort (to use the language of the Virginia Resolutions) 'to interpose for arresting 
the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the 
authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.' " Ibid. 



any period of our history since 1790, a single State — no matter how 
sovereign, even Virginia — could alone have made good, peaceably or 
otherwise, a withdrawal in face of her unitedly disapproving sister 
States, I do not believe. Naturally, or as a result of force applied, 
the attempt would have resulted in ignominious failure. But how 
would it have been at any given time with a combination of States, 
acting in sympathy, — a combination proportionately as considerable 
when measured with the whole as was the Confederacy in 1861 1 I 
hold that, here again, it was merely a question of time, and that such 
a withdrawal as then took place would never have failed of success at 
any anterior period in our national history. It was steam and elec- 
tricity which then settled the issue of sovereignty; not argument, 
not military skill, not wealth, courage, or endurance; not even men in 
arms. Before 1861 steam and electricity, neither on land nor water, 
had been rendered so subservient to man as to make him equal to the 
prodigious, the unprecedented, task then undertaken, and finally accom- 
plished. In that case, might in the end made right ; but the end was 
in no degree a foregone conclusion. 

In my own family records I find a curious bit of contemporary 
evidence of this, and of the line of thought and reasoning then re- 
sulting therefrom. Following the foresight of Madison, J. Q. Adams, 
noting the set of the currents in 1820, became instinctively persuaded 
that the North and the South would be swept into collision by the 
forces of inherent development. Again and again did he put this 
belief of his on record. 1 Contemplating such an eventuality, he, in 
1839, thus expressed himself in a public utterance, in words which I 
have of late more than once seen quoted in support of the abstract 
constitutional right of secession. Speaking in New York on what was 
called the jubilee of the Constitution, or the fiftieth anniversary of its 
adoption, he said : " If the day should ever come (may Heaven avert 
it!) when the affections of the people of these States shall be alienated 
from each other, when the fraternal spirit shall give way to cold 
indifference, or collisions of interest shall fester into hatred, the bands 
of political association will not long hold together parties no longer 
attracted by the magnetism of conciliated interests and kindly sympa- 
thies; and far better will it be for the people of the disunited States 
to part in friendship from each other than to be held together by 
constraint. Then will be the time for reverting to the precedents 
which occurred at the formation and adoption of the Constitution, to 
form again a more perfect union by dissolving that which could no 

1 See the paper entitled" John Quiney Adams and Martial Law," Proceedings, 
Second Series, vol. xv. pp. 436-478. Separately printed as " John Quiney 
Adams, II is Connection with the Monroe Doctrine (1823) and with Emanci- 
pation under Martial Law (1819-1842)," by Worthington Chauncey Ford and 
Charles Francis Adams. 


longer bind, and to leave the separated parts to be reunited by the law 
of political gravitation to the centre." x 

In other words, forecasting strife, and measuring the coercive force 
available at a time when steam on land and water was in its stages of 
earlier development, J. Q. Adams regarded the attempt at an assertion 
of national sovereignty as so futile that, though he most potently and 
powerfully believed in that sovereignty, he looked upon its exercise as 
quixotic, and, consequently, not to be justified. A dissolution of the 
Union, at least temporarily, he believed to be inevitable. So strongly 
was he convinced of the power of the disintegrating influence as con- 
trasted with the cohesive force, that the late Robert C. Winthrop, then 
a young man of twenty-seven, writing in 1836, described him as saying, 
in the course of dinner-table talk, that " he despaired of the Union, 
believing we are destined soon to overrun not merely Texas, but 
Mexico, and that the inevitable result will be a break-up into two, 
three, four, or more confederacies." "Inevitable"! The unexpected 
alone is inevitable. These two utterances were, the one in 1836, the 
other in 1839. In 1839 there were not five hundred miles of con- 
structed railroad in the United States; steam had not been applied to 
naval construction; electricity was a toy. So far as he could look 
into the future, Mr. Adams was right ; only — the unexpected was to 
occur! It did occur; and it settled the question. In 1788 the pre- 
ponderance of popular feeling and affection was wholly in the scale of 
State Sovereignty as opposed to Nationality ; in 1800 the Union was, 
in all probability, saved by being taken from the hands of its friends, 
and, so to speak, put out to nurse with its enemies, who from that 
time were converted to unity ; in 1815 the final war of independence 
gave a great impetus to Nationality, and the scales hung even; in 1831 
the irrepressible conflict began to assert itself, and now they inclined 
slightly but distinctly to Nationality, the younger of the two sover- 
eigns asserting a supremacy; between 1831 and 1861 science threw 
steam and electricity into his scale, and, in 1865, they made the 
other kick the beam. But, when all is said, merely a fresh illustra- 
tion had been furnished of the truth of that scriptural adage in regard 
to a divided service. 

Such are the conclusions reached from a renewed and somewhat 
careful review of a record frequently scanned by others. They found 
in it the outcome of great orations, labored arguments, and the teach- 
ing of individuals. I cannot so see it. It is, as I read it, one long 
majestic Greek tragedy. 

" Like to the Pontic sea, 
Whose icy current and compulsive course 
Ne'er feels retiring ebb, but keeps due on 
To the Propontic and the Hellespont," — 

1 J. Q. Adams, Jubilee of the Constitution (April 30, 1839), p. 69. 


so that great drama swept on to its inevitable catastrophe, — Fate 
and Necessity ever the refrain of its chorus, — until, at the end, the 
resounding clash of arms. 

The President said that, at the June meeting, the work of 
preparing a memoir of the late George B. Chase, one of our 
Resident Members recently deceased, had been assigned to 
Hon. D. H. Chamberlain. Owing to domestic affliction and 
the precarious condition of his health, Mr. Chamberlain at a 
later day asked to be excused from the undertaking. The 
President stated that thereupon he had himself assumed the 
preparation of the memoir, and, in so doing, had applied to 
Mr. Chase's son, Mr. Stephen Chase, for assistance. Mr. 
Stephen Chase had complied with this request in a most 
gratifying spirit, and had himself prepared a memoir. Upon 
examination this memoir appeared to the President and the 
editor so admirable in every respect, and it so fully answered 
every purpose, that it could hardly be improved upon. He, 
therefore, now presented the memoir to the Society as it had 
come from Mr. Chase, and requested that it might be published 
in the Proceedings. 

There was much informal conversation during the meeting 
in which Messrs. William R. Thayer, James F. Rhodes, 
Andrew McF. Davis, Edmund F. Slafter, Morton Dex- 
ter, Henry W. Haynes, James F. Hunnewell, Franklin 
B. Sanborn, Edward E. Hale, Charles P. Bowditch, and 
the President took part. 







George Bigelow Chase was a descendant of Aquila Chase, 
one of the original settlers or grantees of Hampton. Rev. 
Stephen Chase, great-grandson of Aquila Chase, was the 
first of the family to enter Harvard College, where he gradu- 
ated in 1728. In 1731 he was ordained at what is now 
Lynnfield. In 1750 he was re-settled over the Parish at 
Newcastle, which he held until his death in 1778. There 
is a tradition in the family that this event was hastened by 
the course the Revolutionary War was taking, and by the un- 
popularity attaching to any one of strong Tory sympathies, 
no matter how high his standing as a scholar and a theo- 
logian. His wife was a daughter of Col. Joshua Wingate, 
of Hampton, who, as Captain Wingate, commanded a company 
at the siege of Louisburg. 

Stephen Chase, his son, second of that name, graduated at 
Harvard in 1764. He became a merchant, and in 1778 re- 
moved from Newcastle to Portsmouth. He was one of the 
founders of the Portsmouth Athenseum. A copy of the con- 
stitution, dated February 10. 1785, and headed " Rules for the 
establishment of a circulating library in Portsmouth," is in 
the possession of his descendants. He died in 1805. 

His son, Theodore Chase, born in 1786, was fitted for Har- 
vard College at Exeter Academy, under Dr. Abbot, from 
1796 to 1800. He did not enter Harvard, however, as the 
condition of his father's health necessitated his return to 
Portsmouth. He became a large ship-owner, and in 1831 
removed to Boston, where he died in 1859. He married 
Clarissa Andrews Bigelow, daughter of Tyler Bigelow, of 


Watertown. Their first-born was the late Theodore Chase, 
so well known to all lovers of music in this city. Their second 
son was George Bigelow Chase, born on the first of October, 
1835, in his father's house on Beacon Street, opposite Boston 

His education began in Roxbury, at a school kept by a Mr. 
Weisse, whose wife was an old friend of Mrs. Chase. There 
lie boarded, returning home every Saturday for the Sunday. 
After a year under Mr. Weisse, he entered Chauncy Hall 
School, then of high repute in the community, under the 
headmastership of Gideon F. Thayer. 

From there he went to the Latin School, where he remained 
from 1848 through 1851. Two mementos of those days re- 
main among his books, — " A Tour of Duty in California," by 
Lieut. Joseph Warren Revere, U. S. N., and an account of the 
expedition sent by our government in 1817-48 to the Dead 
Sea. Both were Lawrence prizes, awarded by Mr. Dixwell for 
translations from the Latin. 

He did not go directly to Harvard from the Latin School, 
however ; for, desiring to enter as Sophomore, he spent the 
school year of 1853 in completing his preparations under 
Joseph H. Choate, going out to Cambridge for two hours 
every day. He passed the Freshman examinations on July 
18, receiving conditions in Latin and Greek Grammar, but 
handing in the best paper of all in Latin and Greek composi- 
tion, Professor Lane referring to the latter as " a most elabor- 
ate performance. " Four days later he passed the Sophomore 
examinations, wiping out the conditions just received, but 
declining to attempt the examination in chemistry until the 
autumn. An entry in his journal reads : " As Dr. Minot has 
been at Cooke to make him raise the standard in chemistry, I 
feel that there is no hope of success in that line." 

With excellent health and spirits, and a strong social in- 
stinct, he devoted the next three years to the general life of 
the college rather than to study. Nevertheless, he by no 
means neglected his courses. On his graduation in 1856, 
he delivered a Commencement part on the British Rule in 
India. Among his classmates were the late James B. Green- 
ough, Carleton Hunt, and his more intimate friends, Charles 
Francis Adams, Arthur Eckley, Edward Jeffries, and Francis 
B. Rice. 


On leaving college, lie enjoyed a few weeks' vacation at 
Newport, and then entered his father's office at 13 Kilby 
Street, — a building which was afterward to mark the limit, 
in that direction, of the great fire of 1872. The industry, 
activity, and thoroughness which always distinguished Mr. 
Chase were now to be put to the test. He was not yet 
twenty-one ; his father's health had begun to fail ; the family 
property had shrunk ; the shipping business, in which his 
father and grandfather had built up a comfortable fortune, 
was now in a state of transition from sail to steam, and great 
concentrations were taking place ; moreover, the panic of 
1857 was close at hand. But he soon made himself familiar 
with the general scope of the business, and then, by a com- 
prehensive study of its conditions, and by close application to 
the details of building, repairing, refitting, loading, etc., 
strove unremittingly to keep the ships up to a high state of 
efficiency, and to obtain from a declining industry a reason- 
able profit. The habits he then acquired of closely supervis- 
ing and vigorous^ pushing any work done for him lasted him 
through life. 

In 1859 Mr. Theodore Chase died, and the responsibility of 
the estate and care of the widow devolved upon the son, then 
not twenty-four years old. A rather hostile array of circum- 
stances for a young man to confront at the threshold of his 
career ; for the business outlook was all the time growing 
worse, and became, when the Civil War broke out, positively 
alarming. There was but one course to pursue, — to dispose 
of his ships as favorable occasions should occur. It is probable 
that he enjoyed greater opportunities for so doing in the pos- 
session of a large number of friends and acquaintances in New 
York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, — cities in which he spent 
a good part of each year in obtaining cargoes, and in supervis- 
ing the loading and unloading and the refitting of his ships. 
At the same time his labors were lightened, though in a most 
unfortunate manner, by the loss of two vessels, — one soon 
after leaving Boston, the other in foreign waters. 

It was some years, however, before Mr. Chase was able to 
close out his interests in the shipping business. Four of them 
remained in commission all through the war, and even after- 
wards. It was not until 1869 that the " Astrsea," the last of 
them, disappeared from his ledgers. Considering that the 


751,000 tons of American shipping sold abroad from 1861 to 
1865 were sold at bankrupt prices, he was fortunate enough in 
being able to hold out until this period of extreme depression 
was over, and there came the temporary rally of 1866-70. 

Meanwhile, in company with many other men of business, 
Mr. Chase had recognized that opportunities for the building 
up of fortunes in the field of railroad development still ex- 
isted in spite of the war. And so, in 1861-62, he made 
further purchases of the securities of the Philadelphia, Wil- 
mington, and Baltimore Railroad, in which he had invested a 
little as early as 1859. Henceforward his business activity 
was to be confined almost entirely to railroad interests. 

From 1864 to 1867 a wasting illness cut him off from much 
of the social intercourse in which he had always taken great 
pleasure, and obliged him to reserve what little strength he 
had for the exigencies of business. His once robust health, 
impaired by the constant overwork of the last four years, could 
not withstand the severe and long-continued course of dieting 
which had been prescribed for him after a slight indisposition 
in the spring of 1864. This regimen was not abandoned until, 
three years later, it became evident that nothing but an abso- 
lute reversal of the treatment could prevent the patient's dying 
from simple want of nourishment. Immediately the change 
was made, Mr. Chase began to improve, and in 1868 had 
recovered a fair measure of health. But he was never a 
really strong man again, nor able to continue at work through 
the heat of the American summer. 

With returning health, Mr. Chase began to resume a more 
active business life. For some time he had been interested in 
the Rutland and Burlington Railroad, a company which had 
been reorganized in 1865 into the Rutland Railroad. In the 
summer of 1867 he was chosen unexpectedly, and without 
notice of nomination, a director in the new company, and in 
the following January was appointed transfer agent. Both of 
these positions he held until his resignation on the last day of 
1873. What at first seemed to promise an interesting, agree- 
able, and profitable career turned out, on the contrary, to lead 
to the most trying and difficult position of his life. At the 
annual meeting of the stockholders of the road in January, 
1871, he was commissioned to draw up a financial statement 
which should answer the sort of questions that were constantly 


being asked at the Transfer Office. Six weeks later this state- 
ment appeared in pamphlet form, signed by the president, — 
ex-Governor Page of Vermont, — by Mr. Chase, and by the 
other directors. It contained nothing that had not been made 
known by the president at the annual meeting just held, and 
it was based upon all the information that Mr. Chase's most 
earnest efforts could obtain. But no sooner had the president 
gone to Europe, six months later, and Mr. Chase been elected 
president pro tempore, than he discovered the existence of a 
large amount of paper outstanding against the company, bring- 
ing the excess of liabilities over assets up to nearly a million 
of dollars ; and this on a road but two hundred and sixty-one 
miles long. 

It is unnecessary to dwell upon Mr. Chase's consternation 
on learning that the full extent of the road's indebtedness had 
been kept from him, and that his pamphlet was, in conse- 
quence, both incomplete and misleading. It is sufficient now 
to say that he met the responsibility, which fell almost wholly 
upon himself, with an energy and a determination that many 
a more robust man might have envied. He protected the 
company's credit by personally indorsing almost all notes that 
matured during the tight-money period of November and 
December, 1871, and his guidance put the management in a 
position to restore the value of all the securities except the 
common stock. Subsequently, in 1879, he published a review 
of the whole case in a pamphlet entitled " A Letter to the 
Directors of the Rutland Railroad Company." The facts 
therein set forth could not greatly have surprised any of its 
readers who had been conversant with the history of Vermont 
railroad financiering of twenty and thirty years before. 

Although these troubles, as long as they lasted, absorbed 
nearly all Mr. Chase's time and attention, nevertheless the 
Rutland Railroad was not the only one in which he was inter- 
ested. His life-long friend, Robert Treat Paine, has described 
to the writer the manner of their first investment in Western 
railroads. Directly after the war, when the Burlington and 
Missouri Railroad in Nebraska was projected, and received a 
grant from the government of three million acres, Mr. Paine 
went out from Burlington with Charles E. Perkins, afterward 
President of the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad 
system, and a party of railroad men on a tour of investigation 



of these lands. " The impression among all these gentlemen 
(excepting one, and which one it was I cannot remember) was 
that this territory in Nebraska was a part of the great Ameri- 
can desert, as hard as the pavement of a street, — barren, not 
worth accepting as a gift. One of the party suggested that 
it was at least worth while to explore and make sure before 
rejection was decided on." This was done. In the following 
year, when Mr. Paine was in the West again, he learned that, 
on further examination, the Nebraska lands proved to be of 
immense value. So, on the strength of this, and caught by 
Mr. Paine's enthusiasm, Mr. Chase joined with him in a sub- 
stantial subscription to the company's blocks, when the sub- 
scription to the Burlington and Missouri Railroad in Nebraska 
opened. For some days, on being allotted the full amount 
of their subscription, they were simply aghast, as they had 
expected it would be materially cut down. But the bonds 
afterwards sold for more than enough to pay the whole cost 
of the blocks, and the stock, thus cleared of cost, rose rapidly 
in value. " The transaction was very lucrative for young 
men in the early years of business life," and was one that in 
after life both men referred to from time to time with keen 

Those were the palmy days of Western railroad develop- 
ment. The States of the Central West were now rapidly 
increasing in wealth and influence, and the extension of their 
railroads soon became one of the most important features of our 
national life. The days of over-construction, crop-failures, and 
cut-throat competition were as yet unforeseen ; or, if predicted 
by the more sagacious, were left out of consideration until 
they should come up out of the distant future. 

That all Mr. Chase's investments should have turned out 
as well as the Burlington and Missouri would have been too 
much to expect. He had his hopes and disappointments, his 
gains and losses, as all investors must have. But his capacity 
for taking infinite pains, which, though not really genius, is 
certainly akin to it, enabled him to obtain a very thorough 
knowledge of the properties in which he was concerned, while 
a tenacious disposition and the consciousness of the intrinsic 
value of his investments supported him when conditions be- 
came adverse. The railroad system in which he was most 
interested, and to which he had devoted the most careful 


study and consideration, suffered heavily from the fall of rates 
which began after the enactment of the Inter-State Commerce 
Law in 1888, and fell to a very low ebb during the financial 
disturbances of the next eight years. Nevertheless, the con- 
tinual improvements made in its physical condition by a con- 
servative management, and the steady growth in prosperity of 
the region through which it ran, enabled it subsequently to 
fulfil all that was expected of it. The results justified Mr. 
Chase's confidence and vindicated his judgment. 

Although mainly occupied with the cares of his railroad 
investments, he yet found time to follow to a certain extent 
the development of cotton manufacturing in Massachusetts. 
As early as 1862 he was elected a director in the Merrimack 
Manufacturing Company, a position which he held for thirty- 
two 3'ears, while from 1888 to 1892 he was President of the 
company. During his connection with the Merrimack, im- 
mense strides were made in the producing powers of our 
cotton factories, and in these mills, as in others, radical changes 
were made to keep them abreast of the times. When Mr. 
Charles H. Dalton became treasurer in 1876, he at once began 
to remove the somewhat antiquated machinery with which 
the mill had been losing ground for some little time, and to 
replace it with machinery of the newest and most approved 
type. He also built a new dye-house. In short, the manage- 
ment equipped the mill with what was practically a new plant, 
at a cost of over a million dollars. It was an undertaking 
wdiich Mr. Chase, always a firm adherent of the policy of 
maintaining a mill, a railroad, or any other industry in a high 
state of efficiency, heartily supported, and it was abundantly 
justified in its results. 

What was said of the late John Amory Lowell, in the 
memoir read before this Society five years ago, that " no man 
ever had a greater fondness for figures," could with almost 
equal truth be said of Mr. Chase. He neither made nor held 
an investment without careful study and continual and exhaust- 
ive analyses of all figures obtainable concerning it. He thus 
earned something of the reputation that an expert accountant 
possesses, and soon found opportunities to devote his talent to 
the service of others. He was Treasurer of the Somerset Club 
from 1861 to 1863, and of the Union Club from 1868 to 1870. 
In the autumn of 1871 he was appointed by Harvard College 


to the Committee on the Treasurer's accounts, and was re- 
appointed every year up to 1894. During this period he spent 
much time in examining the College accounts, often auditing 
them, and sometimes rendering written reports. And, as was 
said at the June meeting of this Society, he served repeatedly 
on the Committee to examine the accounts of the Treasurer of 
the Society, often as chairman. 

How far his devotion to figures was a natural and how far 
an acquired taste — the result of industry and thoroughness — 
it is impossible to estimate. But that he possessed other 
tastes, inbred, of a high order and of great variety, his life 
affords ample evidence. Strongest of all was his love for 
everything that pertained to American history. His knowl- 
edge of our past, particularly of the Colonial period, and his 
familiarity with the memoirs, diaries, and biographies of those 
days, were unusual in one so engrossed in business. His strong 
attachment to this Society, to which he was elected in 1876, 
his constant attendance at its meetings, and his contributions 
to its proceedings, all indicate the natural bent of his mind. 

Akin to this interest was his fondness for genealogical pur- 
suits. This showed itself as early as 1861, when he submitted 
some old family papers handed down from Aquila Chase, the 
first of the name in this country, to the late Mr. H. G. Somerby, 
with instructions to search the parish records of the English 
counties for earlier traces of the family. The results were 
embodied by Mr. Chase in a short memoir, which appeared in 
the " Heraldic Journal," for October, 1868, and was subse- 
quently brought out in pamphlet form. In the following 
spring Mr. Chase was elected a member of the New England 
Historic-Genealogical Society. 

A few years later, when in better health, and comparatively 
free from the restraints of business, he prepared, with the as- 
sistance of Mr. Somerby, an historical and genealogical 
memoir of the Lowndes family, formerly one of the leading 
families of the South. In the career of Rawlins Lowndes, 
President of the State of South Carolina from 1778 to 1779, 
and afterward a member of the Legislature, where he vigor- 
ously opposed the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and 
in the brilliant record in Congress of his youngest son, William 
Lowndes, from 1811 to 1822, Mr. Chase found themes more 
worthy of his literary and historical ability. Upon this work, 


which appeared in the " Historical and Genealogical Register" 
for April, 1876, he always looked back with a certain measure 
of pride and satisfaction, as a thoroughly congenial work 
well done. Yet the memoir of his uncle, the late Chief Jus- 
tice Bigelow, which he contributed to the Proceedings of this 
Society in 1890, is sometimes said to be his best, as being 
entirely a memoir, and as exhibiting equal biographical skill. 
His last pursuit in the genealogical field was the establish- 
ment, the year before he died, of his claims and those of his 
son to membership in the Society of Colonial Wars. 

His love of reading, however, was not confined to history 
and biography. He had a fine appreciation of the best works 
of fiction, and possessed that vein of sensibility which readily 
responds to the things that appeal to a man's imagination. 
He derived much enjoyment from the more notable works of 
travel and exploration that came out in the last sixty years, 
and took profound interest in. the successive attempts to reach 
the North Pole. That he should have been well read in the 
literature of our Civil War is not surprising, but that one so 
overworked during the greater part of his life should have 
followed closely not only the fortunes, but also the political 
results, of the foreign wars of his day, is quite unusual. His 
literary merits and his knowledge of books were such as to 
obtain recognition in a manner most gratifying to a Bostonian, 
in his appointment, in 1877, to the Board of Trustees of the 
Public Library, on which he served for eight years. He had 
previously been a member of the Examining Committee of the 
Library, and, in 187b', he had drawn up the Committee's 

Reference has been made to Mr. Chase's inability to stand 
the effects of American summer weather. Partly on this 
account, and partly for the sake of entire change of air and 
environment, he spent the hot months of every year from 1870 
to 1881 in the British Islands and in Switzerland. He had 
made, on his first visit to England in 1866, one of the most 
enduring and intimate friendships of his whole life, and one 
through which he came in touch with much that is best and 
noblest in English life. Returning there, summer after sum- 
mer, he made the most of the excellent opportunities at his 
disposal of obtaining an insight into English opinions, con- 
ditions, and politics, and developed in consequence a true 


appreciation of the mother country, a strong affection for her, 
and, above all, a deep and abiding conviction of the inesti- 
mable importance to civilization of the mutual sympathy and 
understanding of the two branches of the Anglo-Saxon race. 

From 1892 to the summer of 1896 Mr. Chase lived in 
Europe, spending the winters at San Remo, on the Italian 
Riviera, and his summers in the Italian Alps. These years 
would hardly be worthy of note, were it not for the fact that, 
while at San Remo, his native disposition to take part in the 
life about him, and his sense of the importance to a community 
of a convenient supply of good literature, led him to start and 
carry out a movement for the establishment of a circulating 
library for the benefit of the Anglo-American colony. With 
his knowledge of books and his experience of library work, it 
was no task, but a most congenial occupation, when once a 
fund had been raised, to spend a month in London in choosing 
the books, and, on his return, to put the library in operation. 
He continued his management of it until his departure for 
America. And even after he had taken up his residence in 
Dedham, it was his custom to send an annual contribution of 
two of the most representative American works of each year, 
suitable to the library's wants. 

The society of his friends, and the observation of foreign 
life, were not his only interests when in Europe. His admi- 
ration for natural scenery carried him continually to Switzer- 
land, where, with one or two companions, he would wander 
from place to place, keeping as much as possible off the beaten 
track. His instinctive love of pictures led him repeatedly 
through the famous galleries, where, so great would be his 
interest, he could never realize the fatigue of picture-gazing 
until he attempted to walk back to the hotel. 

Although but little interested in philanthropy, he bought 
his grandfather's house in Portsmouth in 1879, and gave it, 
with a substantial endowment, to a home for children in the 
town, on condition that it should be called the Chase Home 
for Children. 

Mr. Chase's parents were Unitarians of the old school. He 
grew up under Dr. Lothrop, and remained a member of the 
Brattle Square Church congregation until its dissolution. 
Then, as Unitarianism became more radical, — passing, as a 
prominent Congregationalist has said, from the spiritual liber- 


alism of Charming into a transcendental theism, — it entirely 
lost its hold upon him. So, having no church of his own to 
go to, he occasionally went to Emmanuel, of which the late Dr. 
Vinton was rector. It ended by his becoming, later in life, a 
regular member of the Episcopal Church, and at the time of 
his death, he was junior warden of St. Paul's Church, Dedham. 
When freed from business cares and duties, he began to take 
great interest in ecclesiastical questions, both here and in 
England ; but he had been a man of pronounced religious con- 
victions from his youth. 

On January 10, 1860, Mr. Chase was married in New York 
to Anne, daughter of Major Rawlins Lowndes, of South 

Mr. Chase's life, on the whole, had been a hard one ; he had 
passed through several periods, more or less prolonged, of great 
strain ; and he had suffered three years of serious illness. Yet 
there seemed to be no reason, in the autumn of 1901, why Mr. 
Chase should not attain the allotted age of man, and more. 
He took very good care of himself. He had made a journey 
to Quebec, the Saguenay, and Montreal in July, and had 
visited the Buffalo Exposition in August. Nevertheless, soon 
after the New Year came in, he began, without any immediate 
cause, to lose strength. As winter wore away, and the warm 
weather came on, he sank lower and lower, with fitful recov- 
eries, until at last, on the morning of the second of June, 1902, 
he peacefully and painlessly passed away. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 12th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m. In the absence of the President, who 
had gone abroad, the senior Vice-President, Hon. Samuel A. 
Green, LL.D., was in the chair. The record of the February 
meeting was read and approved ; and the Corresponding Sec- 
retary and the Cabinet-Keeper made their monthly reports. 

The Vice-President said : — 

Since the last meeting of this Society, death has stricken 
from our living roll of Corresponding Members the name of 
Jabez Lamar Monroe Curry. He was placed on the list at the 
meeting in March, 1885, just eighteen years ago. He was then 
the General Agent of the Trustees of the Peabodjr Education 
Fund, a position which he had filled with distinguished ability, 
and which he continued to hold up to the time of his death. 
So marked was his success in the administration of his duties 
that the Trustees of the John F. Slater Fund, a kindred organ- 
ization, esteemed themselves fortunate when they obtained his 
services in the same field. One of the foremost educators in 
the land, he has left an honored name in the cause of education. 
At different times chosen to fill various offices of trust and 
responsibility, both diplomatic and legislative, he considered 
no station so honorable or dignified as the one where he worked 
for the permanent establishment of " free schools for all the 
people." It has fallen to the lot of but few men to perform 
duties of such diversified character as came to him ; and few 
men have discharged them either so conscientiously or so 

Dr. Curry was born in Lincoln County, Georgia, on June 5, 
1825, and died in Asheville, North Carolina, on February 12, 

At the May meeting of this Society, nearly three years ago, 
an informal discussion was held over the tradition connected 
with the " Washington Elm " at Cambridge. While there is 


no contemporary evidence that the tree marks the spot where 
Washington stood when he assumed command of the Amer- 
ican army on July 3, 1775, it is highly probable, from the 
nature of the facts, that the ceremony took place very near 
that historic tree. There is extant no record of the exercises 
on that interesting occasion, as the ubiquitous reporter was 
not then around to write up the event for some enterprising 

An account given by an eye-witness of the ceremony, though 
hardly contemporary, is found in Daniel Franklin Secomb's 
" History of the Town of Amherst, Hillsborough County, New 
Hampshire" (1883). As the old soldier died in the summer 
of 1846, it was necessarily given before that time, and per- 
haps long previously. It bears all the marks of accuracy, as 
it gives so many details which would not now be expected at 
such a military formality. The extract is as follows: — 

Capt. Crosby's company [from Amherst] was present when Washing- 
ton took command of the army, 2 July, 1775, of which Andrew Leavitt, 
one of the survivors, gave the following account to the writer [Mr. 
Secomb] many years since: 

1 The officers placed their men in as good shape as they could, but 
they were a motley looking set, no two dressed alike. Some were 
armed with fowling pieces, some with rifles, others with muskets with- 
out bayonets. When all was in readiness, Washington and his staff 
advanced to the square prepared for their reception. He was a large, 
noble-looking man, in the prime of life, and was mounted on a power- 
ful black horse over which he seemed to have perfect control. 

' After a short address to the soldiers, he took from his pocket a 
Psalm book, from which he read the one hundred and first Psalm 
(another account says it was then sung by the soldiers to the tune of 
Old Hundred).' (Page 371.) 

This description of the soldiers at that early period of the 
war tallies well with what might have been expected in an 
army recruited at short notice. At the present time the 
reading of a Psalm would hardly meet the requirements of 
such an occasion, or seem congruous with it, but the act then 
certainly harmonized with the feelings of the troops as well as 
of the community at large. 

The following committees were appointed to report at the 
Annual Meeting : To nominate officers, Messrs. James F. 



Rhodes, Arthur Lord, and Melville M. Bigelow ; to examine 
the Treasurer's accounts, Messrs. Winslow Warren and James 
F. Hunnewell ; to examine the Library and Cabinet, Messrs. 
Nathaniel Paine, John O. Sumner, and Grenville H. Norcross. 

Rev. Dr. Alexander V. G. Allen communicated the 
memoir of the late Horace E. Scudder which he had been 
appointed to prepare for publication in the Proceedings. 

Mr. Samuel S. Shaw, of Boston, was elected a Resident 

Frederic Bancroft, LL.D., of Washington, D. C, a Cor- 
responding Member, made some extemporaneous remarks on 
" Some Features of the Trade in Slaves " in the Southern 
States, in the period immediately preceding the Rebellion. 
They were the fruit of much personal inquiry and investiga- 
tion on the spot, conducted in the true historical spirit ; but it 
was understood that they were not to be printed in the 

Rev. Dr. James De Normandie read the following paper : — 

Hymns in Ecclesiastical History. 

Christianity may be said to begin with hymns. There is 
the " Magnificat," which for centuries many have regarded as 
the noblest of Christian hymns ; the prophecy of Zacharias 
which announces the expectation of Israel; the "Nunc 
Dimittis," as the aged Simeon takes the young child Jesus 
in his arms and gives expression to his completed joy; the 
angel-song which heralds the birth of Jesus ; while at the 
close of his ministry, when he would draw his chosen disciples 
into the closest communion, the solemn and tender gathering 
is closed with the singing of a hymn. 

From the hymn that Paul and Silas sang in prison, or from 
the time when the strains of the Christian worshippers ar- 
rested the passer-by in the imperial city of Rome, or when 
from many a convent or monastery or cathedral or humble 
conventicle, in lonely lands or crowded streets, the sweet ac- 
cents of some familiar tunes came to grateful ears, the part 
hymns have played in worship and in religion is hardly second 
to preaching. 

In the " Conspiracy of Pontiac," Parkman, among the 
strange adventures with the Indians, says that one time, after 
some victories had been gained over the savages, numbers 


came looking for friends and relatives who had been carried 
off and for years made their homes among the peoples of the 
woods. Among others was an old woman whose daughter 
had been carried off nine years before. At last she discovered 
one in whose wild and swarthy features she discerned the 
altered lineaments of her child ; but the girl, who had almost 
forgotten her native tongue, returned no sign of recognition 
to her eager words, and the old woman bitterly complained 
that the daughter whom she had so often sung to sleep on 
her knee, had forgotten her in her old age. Some one said, 
" Sing the song that you used to her when a child." The old 
woman obeyed ; and a sudden start, a look of bewilderment, 
a passionate flood of tears removed every doubt, and restored 
the long-lost child to her mother's arms. 

Take that hymn, "Jesus, lover of my soul," of which Henry 
Ward Beecher said, "I would rather have written that hymn 
than to have the fame of all the kings that ever sat on the 
earth. It is more glorious. It has more power in it. I 
would rather be the author of that hymn than to hold the 
wealth of the richest man in New York. He will die. He is 
dead, and does not know ifc. He will pass after a little while 
out of men's thoughts. What will there be to speak of him ! 
What will he have done that will stop trouble, or encourage 
hope? But that hymn will go on singing until the last trump 
brings forth the angel-band, and then I think it will mount up 
on vocal lips to the very presence of God." 

Take Luther's hymn, " Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott," 
which really sang the Reformation into triumph. Some think 
that in the Reformation Symphony, when in the climax of the 
composition all the instruments sweep together into the notes 
of the hymn, the piece ends with by far the most majestic 
movement Mendelssohn ever conceived. It was Gustavus 
Adolphus's hymn before the battle of Leipzig, and at Liitzen, 
just as he gave up his life. When John Frederick, Elector of 
Saxony, in his prison at Augsburg, had some deposed minis- 
ters come to comfort him, he said to them, " Has the Emperor 
banished you also from the Empire?" " Yes," they said. 
u But has he banished you from heaven?" " No," they said. 
u Then," he replied, "fear nothing, God's kingdom shall not 

Whenever dangers threatened Luther he would turn to 



Melanchthon and say, u Come, Philip, let us sing the Forty- 
sixth Psalm, 4 God is our refuge and strength,' " and together 
the sturdy reformers would sing it in Luther's version. 

On Luther's monument at Wittenberg is inscribed the first 
line of this hymn, " Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott," and across 
the bastion-like corner of the massive and beautiful Lutheran 
church at Broad and Arch Streets, Philadelphia, are the 
words, u A mighty fortress is our God." 

Think of the familiarity through English-speaking lands 
with that hymn, " All hail the power of Jesus' name." Wher- 
ever you gather together on a Sunday evening, in the steamer's 
saloon or in the great congregation, what heartiness, what 
enthusiasm, does this hymn arouse ! There was in England an 
uncouth but earnest revival preacher with a vivid imagination, 
who was once setting forth the glory of Jesus as a king in his 
own right over saints and angels, and kindling at the thought 
he drew the picture of a coronation pageant. The great pro- 
cession was arranged. Prophets and patriarchs, martyrs and 
apostles, marched grandly on. The vast temple was filled, and 
at the climax of the description the rough preacher broke 
from his ordinary into u All hail the power of Jesus' name." 
The effect was startling, overwhelming. The congregation 
sprang to their feet, and sang the hymn with a feeling and 
power which seemed to swell higher and higher at every 

Perhaps the sudden and thrilling effect of a hymn was 
never greater than when the Evangelical Alliance met in New 
York in 1873. It was at the time that a great deal was being 
said about the prayer-test which Professor Tyndall had pro- 
posed, and many feared that a great wave of scepticism would 
follow the renewed discussion of the whole subject. Presi- 
dent Woolsey was giving the opening address. Referring to 
the period of unrest and questioning, he looked up with a 
manner peculiar to himself, and with quiet assurance and a 
tranquil trust repeated the first stanza of Bishop Coxe's 

" Oh, where are kings and empires now, 
Of old that went and came ? " 

For a moment there was silence. In another moment the full 
significance of the reference had flashed on every mind, and 
the response was instantaneous and universal, — shouts, 


cheers, the waving of handkerchiefs, clapping of hands and 
stamping of feet, round after round of applause, until the 
storm of enthusiasm ended in a burst of tears. 

One cannot say why the influence of hymns has been so 
deep and powerful, unless it is that, turning aside from all 
that is tedious or argumentative or metaphysical, they appeal 
to the inmost and universal sentiment of worship, of devo- 
tion. The best hymns are those which have welled up out of 
troubled and trusting and joyous hearts, until out of their own 
peace, peace steals into other souls adown the ages. You may 
preach and argue about dogmas and creeds, but you cannot 
put these into good hymns ; hymns have place only for the 
simple spiritual experiences and verities, — the providence, 
love, and mercy of God, — for praise and gratitude, for peni- 
tence and trust, for forgiveness and aspiration. As in elo- 
quence one can never say just what it is which so pleases and 
moves us, so in hymns the most popular, the most enduring, 
the most helpful ones are those which lend themselves to the 
pathos of the human voice, to that strange, indescribable, irre- 
sistible power which tells the listening ear that here was a 
life which had deep experiences of the spiritual realities, which 
passed through deep waters, which had been on the heights, 
and had the right to speak to other hearts. 

This is true of most of the writers of the hymns of the 
ages, and if sometimes it is otherwise, if we have beautiful 
hymns written by those who seemed to be without spiritual 
experience, just out of their gift of song, we will not judge 
them ; they may have had their moments of rapt vision and 
holy resolve and bitter penitence, and we will forget all that 
was undevout, and let their hymns sing on the faith which is 
true and uplifting. 

There are a good many blots on the pages of ecclesiastical 
history, and among these the habit of changing words or lines 
or verses of hymns because the doctrinal phrases might be 
objectionable is one of constant occurrence, and most inex- 
cusable. It generally comes from a narrow and ugly secta- 
rianism. Poets of any merit who have had a reason for 
every line of their poems do not want them changed by 
another, and still attributed to them. Write better ones if 
you can, write different ones, but do not change the words of 
a writer and still put his name to them. 


Next to the Scriptures, there is no power so great for the 
religious training of children as to have them commit to 
memory the most beautiful hymns ; they will come up to 
them out of the chambers in many an after time of trouble 
or temptation with an unlooked-for helpfulness. 

It is not an unusual experience, I am inclined to think, 
among ministers, to find some hard-headed, business-engrossed 
man of the world, or some one apparently given up entirely to 
one pursuit or to extreme materialism, — who seems untouched 
by any ministration of religion, on whom preaching, prayer, 
Scripture fall unnoticed, — most deeply moved by a hymn or 
tune which reaches some hidden chord of his deeper life, and 
brings back, perhaps from a far distant home or a parent's lips, 
one knows not what sacred associations. 

How the secret life of the soul is told, in the origin of many 
of our favorite hymns, of those who "learned in suffering 
what they taught in song"! What a sweet sense of peace 
breathes from some of the hymns of the Mystics and Quietists, 
who wanted entire escape from the world, and considered all 
time lost which was not devoted to the contemplation or the 
love of God ! Madame Guyon felt there was not room for 
human and divine love in the same heart, so she would seek 
only the latter, — 

" The love of Thee flows just as much 

As that of ebbing self subsides; 

Our hearts, their scantiness is such, 

Bear not the conflict of two rival tides." 

" All scenes alike engaging prove 

To souls impressed with sacred love; 
Where'er they dwell, they dwell in thee, 
In heaven, in earth or on the sea. 

" To me remains nor place nor time, 
My country is in every clime ; 
I can be calm and free from care 
On any shore, since God is there." 

The same thought runs through some of Tersteegen's hymns. 
There is his " Gott rufet noch," — 

" God calleth yet ! I can no longer tarry, 
Nor to my God a heart divided carry ; 
Now, vain and giddy world, your spells are broken; 
Sweeter than all, the voice of God has spoken." 


What a deep yearning is that from one of the tenderest and 
purest of souls, when Cowper, as the cloud of mental estrange- 
ment was gathering over him, sings, — 

" O for a closer walk with God " ; 

what a quiet trust in that sweet hymn of Lyte's, written just 
as life was ebbing away, — 

"Abide with me, fast falls the eventide"; 

what a love of nature, what a sense of the Besetting Presence, 
what a home feeling in the " Ways of the Spirit," breathes in 
the hymns of our own Whittier ! 

Every period in Church history which has had some dis- 
tinctive characteristics, has also had a hymnology peculiarly 
its own, — called out, inspired by the theological changes 
which marked it, and which gave, even amidst great over- 
turnings, a new life and a clear spiritual action. 

The Hebrews out of their wondrous monotheistic faith sang 
those Psalms which have been the great book of devotion, 
praise, and trust for all lofty souls since, — a perpetual sursum 
corda amidst the distractions and warfare of life. When 
Christianity was introduced, the early adherents of the faith, 
meeting in their humble homes or in little chapels under- 
ground, in simple strains sang together their joy and the 
promise for the world in the new Gospel. When that Gospel 
became strong, popular, triumphant, and strife over doctrines 
waxed warm, in the great Arian controversy, the opposing 
parties tried to put their theology into song, much as we do 
in our own heated political campaigns ; and the most spiritual 
aspects of Christianity became the subjects of violent and 
vulgar irreverent debate and clamor among men, women, 
children, and the heathen. It was well that the verses which 
Arius composed under the name of Thalia soon fell into 
oblivion. Nothing can be more unfortunate than when, by a 
narrow and partisan treatment, the great thoughts of religion 
are subjected to the jest and ridicule of an irreverent public. 
When the Reformation came like a great tidal wave to purify 
the Church, the hymns took on a tone of majestic triumph 
like a battle-cry. When worship in England fell into apathy 
and worldliness corresponding to the Church of Rome, then 
came the revival of the Puritans and of the Wesley s and 


Whitefield, and a new wealth of song flowed from pious hearts 
who sang as they went on their busy pilgrimages, — the 
heroes of another reformation. 

When, for want of a better name, what we must call the 
liberal movement came in England and New England, al- 
though a name I dislike, this movement found an abundant 
and rich expression in its hymns. They are pervaded, as no 
other collection of hymns has been, by the ethical spirit, by 
a strong love for philanthropy, by a broad earnest fellowship, 
by a triumphant hope in moral regeneration, by a deep humani- 
tarian feeling, by a vigorous if not demonstrative piety, by a 
tranquil faith — human brotherhood and the divine Father- 
hood, and a sense of the Infinite Presence quite approaching 
the rapt ecstasy of the Mystics and Quietists. 

When Henry Ward Beecher prepared his once famous 
" Plymouth Church Hymn Book," he was severely upbraided 
for using so many hymns by the liberal writers, and the justi- 
fication which he gave for himself was that he desired his 
book to embrace hymns of a benevolent, reformatory, and 
philanthropical character, and unfortunately none of the other 
writers furnished any satisfactory material of that kind. 

Another marked characteristic of the liberal hymns is 
their literary merit. You may not find in them the mere 
jingle of rhyme, nor the simple melodies which have given 
popularity to many revival hymns as they are taken up with 
fervor by great congregations, nor are they of so transient a 
nature ; but they are by many of the best poets of the last 
century, and they have the same literary excellence which has 
given acceptance and endurance to their other poetry. To 
all the other religious characteristics which distinguish good 
hymns they join what a very small proportion of all the hymns 
in every hymn book has, the best literary worth, and this 
assures them a reception and a perpetuity when others are 

Among all these, first in England of course, is Milton ; 
and the spirit of this sturdy reformer and greatest among 
poets rings out in that hymn, — 

11 The Lord will come, and not be slow ; 
His footsteps cannot err : 
Before him Righteousness shall go. 
His royal harbinger." 


Still, as a writer of hymns, Bowring has pre-eminence even 
over Milton. His theology may have been regarded as ex- 
tremely heretical, but the sweetness and piety of his hymns 
have proved irresistible. What an assurance of the Besetting 
Presence akin to the One Hundred and Thirty-ninth Psalm in 
those lines, — 

" We know not in what hallowed part 
Of the wide heavens thy throne may be ; 
But this we know, that where thou art, 
Strength, wisdom, goodness dwell with thee." 

What a confidence in the future of Christianity in the lines, — 

" Upon the gospel's sacred page 
The gathered beams of ages shine, 
And, as it hastens, every age 
But makes its brightness more divine." 

What a serene trust in these words, — 

" From the recesses of a lowly spirit." 

What a deep sense of the universal rule and providence of 
God in those lines, — 

" Father, thy paternal care 
Has my guardian been, my guide." 

Then add to these those two hymns of such wide accept 

ance, — 

" In the cross of Christ I glory," 

" Watchman, tell us of the night," 

and we see how remarkable Bowring's hymns are. 

Frances Power Cobbe is distinguished principally as an es- 
sayist, and yet where is there a more tranquil rest in God 
than in that hymn, — 

" Only upon some cross of pain or woe 
God's son may lie, 
Each soul redeemed from self and sin must know 
Its Calvary." 

Then there are those two universal favorites: Helen Maria 

" While thee I seek, protecting power," 

and Sarah F. Adams's 

" Nearer, my God, to thee." 


How fall of the reformer's fire, the philanthropist's faith, 
and the prophet's vision is that hymn of the English clergy- 
man W. J. Fox, — 

" A little child in bulrush ark 

Came floating on the Nile's broad water ; 
That child made Egypt's glory dark, 

And freed his tribe from bonds and slaughter. 

" A little child for knowledge sought 
In Israel's temple of its sages ; 
That child the world's religion brought, 
And crushed the temples of past ages. 

" 'Mid worst oppressions if remain 

Young hearts to freedom still aspiring, 
If, nursed in superstition's chain, 
The human mind be still inquiring, 

" Then let not priests or tyrants dote 

On dreams of long the world commanding, 
The ark of Moses is afloat, 

And Christ is in the temple standing." 

Coming to the liberal writers of America, although not a 
writer of many hymns, Emerson is most eminent. A pro- 
foundly religious spirit pervades all his writings, which some- 
times takes a fine poetical utterance, — 

" The word unto the prophet spoken 
Was writ on tables yet unbroken ; 
Still floats upon the morning wind, 
Still whispers to the willing mind : 
One accent of the Holy Ghost, 
The heedless world has never lost." 

One of America's best writers says of this poem : " All be- 
tween it and Milton seems tame in comparison. Some of its 
verses have been found worthy a place in Westminster Abbey, 
the spirit of whose architecture and that of kindred temples 
they so fitly express." 

Longfellow easily comes next, with his " Psalm of Life," 
and " Resignation," and " Peace," and his beautiful hymn for 
his brother's ordination. Then Bryant with that beautiful 
hymn of consolation, — ■ 

" Deem not that they are blest alone 
Whose days a peaceful tenor keep "; 


and that of tender sympathy, — 

" Dear ties of mutual succor bind 
The children of our feeble race "; 

and that one of the lovingkindness of God, — 

" Rather to thy kind love we owe 
All that is fair and good below." 

Then would come Holmes, with that ringing hymn to the 
" Lord of Life," — 

" Lord of all being, throned afar " ; 

and that one of tender trust, — 

" O Love divine that stooped to share 
Our sharpest pang, our bitterest tear." 

These are known among English-speaking persons as poets ; 
then there are many others, too many even to name, known 
or unknown as the writers of hymns which one by one are 
finding their way into all hymnals and books of devotion. 
Ware, Norton, Peabody, Burleigh, Wasson, Parker, Pierpont, 
Clarke, Furness, Very, and Bulfinch are but a few of them, 
and all from a body of worshippers so small as hardly to 
deserve recognition or a numbering among the great sects. 
When Samuel Longfellow and Samuel Johnson, both of 
them writers of beautiful hymns, prepared a Hymn-Book, 
Parker called it the u Book of Sams." 

Where will you find two Christmas hymns more exquisite 
or more likely to endure, than those of Sears, — ■ 

" Calm on the listening ear of night," 

" It came upon the midnight clear." 

We have said before, each period of theological change or 
discussion has given rise to a new hymnology, so that it is 
interesting to notice that when what was called an ethical 
movement arose in this country, some of its leaders who were 
almost afraid to use the word " Christian " or " God" without 
tedious explanation lest they should be misunderstood or mis- 
classed, have been writing not a few hymns quite equal to any 
in the history of the Christian Church. 

Hosmer's hymns are unsurpassed in their quiet devotion 
and trust ; as bathed in the thought of God's presence as the 


poetry of the Mystics, and quite as deep in their perception of 
religious duty and the spiritual realities : — 

" O gift of gifts, O grace of grace, 
That God should condescend 
To make thy heart his dwelling-place 
And be thy daily friend." 

"And nobler yet shall duty grow, 
And more shall worship be 
When thou art found in all our life, 
And all our life in thee." 

How good is Chad wick's hymn, — 

" It singeth low in every heart." 

Nor did Gerhardt, nor Tersteegen, nor Wesley ever write any 
songs out of a deeper sense of the Besetting Presence than 
when Gannett sings so sweetly, — 

" The Lord is in his Holy Place, 
In all things near and far, 
Shekinah of the snow-flake he, 
And glory of the star. 

He tents within the lonely heart, 
And shepherds every thought ; 

We find him not by seeking long, 
We lose him not unsought." 

Or that hymn, " Listening for God," — 

" Thy words are sweet and strong, 
They fill my inward silences 

With music or with song; 
They send me challenges to right, 

And loud rebuke my ill ; 
They ring my bells of victory, 

They breathe my ' Peace, be still ! ' 
They ever seem to say, ' My child, 

Why seek me so all day ? 
Now journey inward to thyself, 

And listen by the way.' " 

Some day all the barriers which are raised by a hard, nar- 
row, and exclusive sectarianism will one by one fall away, and 
a hymnal will be gathered full of the love of man, the love of 
God, the secret of Christianity, the vision of the Spirit and 
the Universal Worship ; and the inquirer shall ask or know 
only this, here was a sweet singer of the Church of God. 


Remarks were made during the meeting by the Vice-Pres- 
ident and by Messrs. Henry F. Jenks, James F. Hunne- 
well, Edmund F. Slafter, Andrew McF. Davis, Edward 
J. Young, Henry S. Nourse, Franklin B. Sanborn, Mel- 
ville M. Bigelow, and Charles P. Bowditch. 

A new serial, containing the record of the November and 
December meetings, was ready for delivery at this meeting. 






The beneficent influence exerted by Horace Scudder upon 
American life and literature during a period of more than 
thirty years would have been impossible without the posses- 
sion of rare gifts, and these in a peculiarly harmonious combi- 
nation. He occupied a conspicuous position, unique and of 
his own creating, from whence issued a force of generous 
impulse and inspiration wide and deep in its extent, hidden 
however in some of its finest effects, so that its full scope 
cannot be adequately measured. The man in himself was 
greater than his work, and must be taken in connection 
with it in order to discern or understand his influence. From 
the time that he saw the empty niche which he regarded as 
most desirable and honorable to fill, he devoted himself with 
single-mindedness and with extraordinary energy to the quali- 
fication for the duties and privileges it involved. The large- 
ness of his aim, which marks also his own character, entered 
into his work, and became the badge of his presence and of 
his power. 

But to accomplish this task called for the sacrifice of ambi- 
tions earty cherished, and of possibilities in other lines wherein 
he might have won distinction. He was so intensely a reli- 
gious man by nature that he might have risen to honor and 
influence in the church, and have left his direct impression on 
Christian thought and life. He might have gained a foremost 
place in the ranks of exact scholarship, for which he had apti- 
tude and capacity, or he might have chosen some special branch 
of learning wherein to be known as a master. He might have 

1 Also printed, with some necessary changes, in the Atlantic Monthly, April, 


carried much further than he did his achievements in literary- 
criticism, although what he accomplished in this direction en- 
titles him to a place among the few best literary critics whom 
America has produced. His beautiful essays only filled up 
the interstices of his more continuous labor. This attempt 
to study a man's career by speculating on what it might 
have been is not wholly idle, if it serves to impress the 
imagination with the character and worth of the actual 
achievement. There were vistas where he is seen for a 
moment as he passes, paths in which he did not choose to 
linger, whence he finally emerges in the broad thoroughfare 
of his choice with all his powers in harmonious co-operation. 
There was one grace of his nature, dominating the others, 
almost standing in their way, — the zeal of disinterested benev- 
olence, which would not allow him to work for reputation in 
any selfish manner. We can discern in him an inward need 
for literary occupation, a balance of powers, active energies to 
be appeased. From this combination resulted the man as we 
knew him, with an equipoise of endowments whose healthy 
maintenance demanded satisfaction for each and all the forces 
of his nature. 

Horace Scudder was of New England and Puritan descent, 
his family having settled on Cape Cod some two hundred 
years ago. His father was a well-known merchant in Boston, 
a man of high integrity, a deacon in what is now called the 
" Union Church," who exerted a strong religious influence. 
His mother was Sarah Lathrop Coit, daughter of a rigid "old 
school" Presbyterian elder, whence was bequeathed to him 
the New England conscience. The family remained on the 
conservative side in the schism among the Massachusetts 
churches, but the home training was genial, somewhat 
softened perhaps by the sharp protest against the ancient 
Puritan doctrine and discipline. There were six sons, of 
whom Horace Elisha Scudder was the youngest, and one 
daughter. One of the sons was Rev. David Coit Scudder, a 
missionary in India, who died young and much lamented. 
Another son, Samuel Hubbard Scudder, is a leading authority 
in entomology, distinguished also for other scientific acquire- 
ments, and the recipient of the highest scientific honors. 
Horace was born in Boston October 16, 1838. He made his 
preparatory studies in the Roxbury and Boston Latin schools, 


afterwards going to Williams College, whence he was grad- 
uated in 1858 at the age of twenty. In college he gave his 
attention chiefly to classical studies with a preference for 
Greek ; to the end of his life he continued to read the Greek 
poets, and he opened each day with the Greek Testament, 
making notes and critical comments on the text and its interpre- 
tation. He was only seventeen when he became editor of the 
" Williams Quarterly.'' The articles which he wrote for it show 
a wide range of subjects, and indicate the bent of his mind: 
" Francis Quarles," " George Herbert," " The First Dis- 
covery of America," '* Nature — the Study of the Archi- 
tect," " Knights of the Round Table," " The Old Romance," 
" England and Englishmen," " Art among Us." 

After graduating from college he went to New York, and 
took private pupils. Here he remained for several years, mak- 
ing his first ventures in literature in short stories for children. 
Published at first in the newspapers and afterwards in book 
form with the title " Seven Little People and their Friends," 
" Stories from my Attic," " Dream Children," they made him 
widely known, and gave him a distinctive reputation. He also 
contributed articles to the " North American Review," which 
indicate that he was studying closely and reading in wide 
directions. Among them is one on William Blake, whose 
life by Gilchrist had then recently appeared. The mystic 
vein in his nature is most characteristic. Although it was 
kept in reserve and never received any direct development, it 
was apparent in his writings, where the sense of mysticity 
haunts his imagination, as in his " Dream Children " and other 
stories, giving them a peculiar charm. He felt the influence 
of the so-called pre-Raphaelite school both in its art and liter- 
ature, and was interested in artistic and musical criticism, 
showing in his comments on such themes a delicate fancy and 
subtle perception, and could clothe his conceptions with a 
graceful style and a rich vocabulary. Prominence should be 
given to another product of these earlier years, " The Life and 
Letters of David Coit Scudder," undertaken at the request of 
the father, most delightful as a biography, and an exquisite 
tribute to a brother's character and worth. 

He had apparently determined upon a literary career of some 
kind, though exactly what kind may not have been yet quite 
clear to him. In an essay written several years later on " Emer- 


son's Self," in " Men and Letters," he says that Emerson's career 
had rendered it possible for a later generation to make " the 
profession of letters earlier in life without that long experi- 
mental process which took place in Emerson's case." But 
even so, he could not escape the experience of searching and 
groping after a vocation, meaning perhaps to do one thing and. 
preparing for it only to find that his call was in some other 
direction. He became sensitive to the fact of a change in the 
outlook of his own age as compared with the age that had pre- 
ceded. All ages are times of transition, and the generations 
that come and go are so gradually interwoven with each other 
that it is hard to draw the lines that separate or distinguish 
them. However this may be, the man who was young in the 
sixties and seeking for the best investment of his activities 
must have felt that there was a difference in the situation, 
that the motives which had inspired the great writers of the 
previous generation were somehow diminished in their power 
of appeal. Emerson and Longfellow, Hawthorne, Holmes, 
and Whittier were still in their prime, at the height of their 
creative strength, or in England, Carlyle and Tennyson and 
Ruskin, Browning and others. Mr. Scudder was absorbing 
their thought and purpose, and yet must have begun to feel, 
however dimly at first, that his own generation was looking 
out upon a changing world. It was possible of course to imi- 
tate, to follow not unworthily in their steps, but for a young 
man sensitive to the exigent moods of the hour, some new 
opening was demanded. 

The change which was taking place was, to put it briefly 
and somewhat crudely, away from what is called individualism 
to the varied forms of collectivism, solidarity, socialism, phases 
of altruism, institutionalism, nationalism, — by whatever name 
the tendency is known which no longer finds an adequate 
impulse in the aspiration for individual expression. In both 
Church and State institutionalism was discounting the impor- 
tance of individual initiative or activity. The age which was 
coming in sought more directly the consolidation of social 
movements, the reconstruction of educational methods, the 
development of universities, the uplifting of the masses of the 
people by organic ways toward organic and institutional ends. 
Notably in this process came the rise or the expansion of great 
publishing-houses with increased facilities for the wider diffu- 



sion of literature, or for the stimulation of forms of literary 
activity suited to the needs of the time, and even contributing 
to the development of those needs. 

We may trace some of the steps in the process of Mr. 
Scudder's advance in this institutional direction. Identified 
by descent, as he was, with Puritanism, which was individu- 
alistic in its tendency, he abandoned it for the more organic, 
institutional habits of the Anglican Church. The transition 
was aided by the teaching of the late F. D. Maurice, who from 
this point of view was one of the most representative and 
potent of influences after the middle of the century. Maurice 
had become widely known as the founder of Christian Socialism 
and of the Workingmen's College in London, while as a theo- 
logian he had the peculiar fortune, not without its appeal to 
Mr. Scudder, of an affiliation with poetry and art, — Tennyson 
addressing to him a poem, and Madox Brown, the pre-Raphael- 
ite, introducing his portrait in a painting called " The Highway." 
Mr. Scudder had for Maurice the devotion of a disciple, and 
was spoken of among his friends as a Maurician. 

He followed the fortunes of the Civil War with deep in- 
terest, although prevented from enlisting in its service as he 
would like to have done. But that which most impressed him 
as the purpose and attainment of the awful struggle was not 
so much the individual emancipation from slavery as the con- 
solidation of the nationality, the assertion of the personality, 
the sanctity of the organic State. Hence he was prepared to 
give most eager welcome to the work of his friend, the late 
Dr. Elisha Mulford, who after profound study and long reverie 
in retirement emerged with his book, " The Nation," a book 
which coincides with a great epoch in American life. From 
this time, if not earlier, Mr. Scudder became what we call a 
pronounced " American" in his attitude and sympathies. His 
Americanism was not based upon comparison with other 
countries, although a visit to Europe in 1865 had enabled him 
for some comparative estimate, but rather upon a principle, — 
that America had been called to the privilege of nationality, 
had vindicated its call anew in the Civil War, and was ever 
henceforth more and more to assert and maintain its place as 
foremost among the nations, that primacy being involved in 
the divine conditions of its history. Evidences of this char- 
acteristic patriotism may be found in his writings. Thus, in 


speaking of Emerson's lack of the passion of nationality, he 
says : — 

" The glimpses which we get of the poet on his travels in his own 
country serve to deepen the impression which we form of the purely 
spectacular shape of the country in his vision. He was not indifferent 
to the struggles going on, and yet they were rather disturbances to his 
spirit than signs of a life which quickened his pulse. To some minds 
this may seem to lift Emerson above other men. In my judgment it 
separates him from them to his loss." 

In a striking passage in his essay on " The Future of 
Shakespeare," Mr. Scudder has called attention to " the ever 
widening gulf between Englishmen and Americans," which is 
begotten by the essential distinction of nationality : — 

" The Atlantic Ocean, which separates the two countries, has been 
contracting its space ever since the first Virginians rowed across its 
waters. The inventions of men, the exactions of human intercourse, 
have reduced a three months' dreary voyage to a six days' trip in a 
movable hotel, and yet all this while a myriad forces have been at 
work on either side of the ocean moulding national consciousness, and 
producing those distinctions which are hard to express but perfectly 
patent. The manifestations of character in literature and art afford the 
clearest indications of this national distinction, and although London 
and Boston can almost speak to each other through the telephone, the 
accent of Boston in literature is more sharply discriminated from the 
accent of London than it was a hundred years ago." 

These illustrations of the growth of the institutional ten- 
dency in Mr. Scudder's experience may help to explain the 
transition in his literary career. It was certainly a critical 
moment when in 1866 he met for the first time the late Mr. 
Henry O. Houghton, founder of the Riverside Press, and soon 
after to become the head of the publishing-house of Houghton, 
Mifflin & Co. From the time that they met till Mr. Hough- 
ton's death there was between these men, not only the strong 
tie of friendship, of profound mutual respect and unwavering 
confidence, but they worked together for the same end with 
rare harmony and success. So intertwined was their work 
that it would be difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish the 
contribution of each. The business capacity of the one was 
infused with the literary ambition of the other, but this 
literary talent of the other discerned openings which only the 


capacity for affairs could have made feasible. In this insti- 
tutional direction then Mr. Scudder took his work, at first 
timidly and vaguely, but afterward with clearer consciousness 
and full unswerving determination. One of the opportunities 
which first opened before him in his new relationship was 
some better educational method for children. With Mr. 
Houghton's energetic approval, and the Riverside Press at his 
disposal, Mr. Scudder projected the well-remembered " River- 
side Magazine for Young People." In its brief existence of 
four years, it was a model of beauty and excellence, winning 
the highest approbation of those most competent to judge. 
Speaking of the subject at a later time, Mr. Scudder recalled 
the difficulties he encountered in getting the desired illus- 
trations for its pages : " I did my best to obtain pictures of 
child life from painters who were not mere professional book- 
illustrators. ... It was only now and then that I was able to 
obtain any simple unaffected design, showing an understand- 
ing of a child's figure and face." And although he admits 
the progress made since then, he laments that artists still fail 
to " seek in the life of children for subjects upon which to 
expend thought and power." 

In 1872 Mr. Scudder was admitted into partnership, binding 
himself to the arrangement for three years. He now married, 
and fixed his home in Old Cambridge. It had been, however, 
with grave misgivings that he had signed the articles of part- 
nership, and when the three years had expired, he resigned 
from a position for whose routine he was not fitted. It may 
have been also that he had not yet abandoned the visions of 
his youth to do work of another kind. He has alluded to 
those earlier years, when he writes in 1887 to his friend Henry 
M. Alden, of "that former state of existence when we were 
poets," and " I woke to find myself at the desk of a literary 
workman." He speaks of himself and his friend as " two 
young poets, who walked Broadway and haunted little back 
rooms in Fourth Avenue and Eleventh Street," who had 
schemes for executing some " epical work which required a 
continuity of time not easily had under customary conditions. 
... I am credulous enough to think that the verses you 
wrote have resung themselves in that sympathetic, patient, 
discriminating life which you have led as a literary judge, for 
I find myself curiously susceptible in my own work to certain 


influences which once shaped my thought into more creative 

In 1875 Mr. Scudder exchanged his place of partner in the 
firm for that of its literary adviser. It was his plan at first to 
give half of his time to the duties of this office, the other half 
to be left free to his own devices. He now betook himself 
with enthusiasm to the study of American history, to which 
an impetus had been given by the centennial of 1876. The 
fruits of these years were numerous articles and books, pre- 
pared rapidly but with unfailing skill for the illumination of 
his theme : The Recollections of Samuel Breck, with Passages 
from his Note Books ; Men and Manners in America One 
Hundred Years Ago ; Public Libraries One Hundred Years 
Ago ; The Battle of Bunker Hill ; The Siege of Boston ; A 
Patriotic Schoolmaster ; A Puritan Gentleman in New Eng- 
land ; An Old Gentleman's Recollections. In his post of 
literary adviser, he was for several years editor of the 
"Riverside Bulletin," which in addition to notices of new 
books contained each month an editorial article, remarkable 
for its distinction of style in combination with literary com- 
ment and suggestion. These essays are still remembered, and 
the "Riverside Bulletin" may be regarded as the pioneer of 
much more elaborate periodicals of a similar type. The habit 
which Mr. Scudder had early formed of keeping an eye on 
current publications continued to his latest years. After the 
discontinuance of the " Riverside Bulletin," he transferred his 
notices of books to other publications, for a short time to 
"Every Saturday," and finally to the "Atlantic Monthly." 
His criticisms were unsigned, for he preferred to work, as he 
says, " behind the screen of anonymity " ; but his work in this 
line never degenerated into formality ; his comment was always 
direct and pointed, yet also kindly and genial. No one had a 
larger knowledge than he of contemporary literature. 

He was now working with a fierce energy and strain of his 
powers, which must have been exhausting. Among other of his 
publications is a collection of " Stories and Romances," and he 
wrote one novel, called " The Dwellers in Five-Sisters Court," 
— an expansion of an earlier short story, with the same title, 
published in the "Atlantic" in 1865. The novel betrays the 
influence of Dickens, from which at that time it was hard for 
any one to escape. The characters are distinctly drawn, the 


scene being laid in the Court behind the old Province House 
in Boston, and as a picture of life in New England at the time, 
with a strong transcendental touch, mixed with pre-Raphaelite 
fancies, it is not without its interest still. In addition to all 
this, Mr. Scudder was a constant contributor of editorial and 
other articles to various publications. He was writing on sub- 
jects of current interest, religious and secular. He warmly 
espoused the cause of international copyright, and probably 
contributed as much as anyone to its success But after some 
two years or more, during which the agreement held that he 
was to have half of his working hours for himself, he abandoned 
the arrangement, and gave his whole time for nearly twenty 
years to the duties attaching to the position of literary adviser 
to a great publishing-house. How important he regarded this 
work henceforth may be inferred from an article, " The Func- 
tion of a Publishing-House in the Distribution of Literature." 

To this position, then, of a literary adviser, Mr. Scudder 
summoned the aid of all his forces, and gave to the office a 
new dignity and significance. His great capacity for work, — he 
seemed to be able to do the work of several men, — his tireless 
energy, his very genius for devising new schemes and discern- 
ing new openings for literary ventures, his learning, his accom- 
plishments as a literary critic, his finely balanced judgment, 
his enthusiasm, and devotion to his tasks, his conscientious- 
ness and painstaking solicitude for accuracy and thoroughness, 
— these and other qualities made him a power and authority 
among his contemporaries. It used to be thought that almost 
any man with moderate literary ability could satisfactorily 
perform the elemental duties of furnishing text-books for 
schools, or editing the works of others with preface, appendix, 
and notes. Now we have learned that these things call for 
masters in their respective departments, that specialists and 
experts, those who have written the larger books, are the best 
fitted to make compendiums and elementary treatises; that 
the man who has devoted his life to the study of literature is 
the one most wanted to comment on the literary productions 
of others. To this principle Mr. Scudder adhered, and thus 
helped to raise the standard of literary activity in every de- 
partment of its application. 

Attention can here be called only to the leading features of 
Mr. Scudder's achievement in his important position. To re- 


duce the work of a quarter of a century into such brief form is 
an injustice, of course, but there are phases of life and human 
effort as it flows on quietly in appointed ways, which can never 
be adequately described ; only hints and suggestions can be 
given, and for the rest the imagination of the experienced 
reader must suffice. There are several lines wherein Mr. 
Scudder revealed his highest efficiency. One of these, already 
alluded to, was the study of American history. The number 
of books bearing on this subject in the catalogue of publica- 
tions by Houghton, Mifflin & Co. shows at a glance what 
importance was attached to it. Of the four series, entitled 
" American Statesmen," " American Men of Letters," " Amer- 
ican Commonwealths," and " American Religious Leaders," 
Mr. Scudder projected the last two and was their editor, con- 
tributing also the "Life of Noah Webster" to the series of 
"American Men of Letters." In the same department are his 
" Life of Washington " and his " History of the United States," 
where he followed another leading inclination and adapted 
himself to the needs of children. His strength lay in the 
biographical side of history, where the work he did was not 
only large in amount, but maintained at a high standard of 
excellence. When he v?as interested in a man, no one could 
surpass him in direct approach to the inmost motives and 
characteristics. This power is shown in his sketches of Long- 
fellow and Emerson. He co-operated in the biographies of 
Bayard Taylor, of Asa Gray, and of Agassiz. He revised the 
Life of Longfellow, working over the supplemental third 
volume, and thoroughly arranging the separated material in 
three consecutive volumes. He recognized the importance of 
the index, and had devised a method for himself in making an 
index, in order to insure thoroughness. One of his best bio- 
graphical studies was the memoir of Justin Winsor prepared 
for this Society, of which Mr. Scudder had become a member 
in 1881. In the writing of history or biography, he was in 
sympathy with the modern method of research, " the faithful 
collation of obscure authorities, the hunt for the beginning 
of things, the laying bare of foundations." But he also was 
convinced that there was a literary art in the presentation of 
facts or events, which " made the writing and the reading of 
history akin to the writing and reading of poetry, the crea- 
tion and enjoyment of all forms of art." 


After the firm of Houghton, Mifflin & Co. acquired the 
right to the publication of the works of the great school of 
New England writers, Mr. Scudder turned to their study with 
a new interest in order to prepare more complete editions. It 
was in this connection that he projected a scheme for popular 
editions of the best poets, known as the Cambridge edition, 
where all the works of a poet should be collected in one con- 
venient volume, with preface and appended notes. Of this 
series, Mr. Scudder edited several volumes himself, including 
Browning, Holmes, Longfellow, Lowell, Keats, Scott, and 
Whittier. The prefaces to these volumes are among his best 
literary productions, and show his characteristics as a learned, 
appreciative, and skilful workman. His name indeed had 
now become a guarantee that all such tasks would be per- 
formed with conscientious, painstaking care, and also with 
genuine enthusiasm. Although he was working quietly and 
impersonally through the institution, he had satisfaction in 
the consciousness of doing honest and thorough work, and 
was content even though his name were merged in the benefi- 
cence of the product. But he had also other rewards. He 
had risen to public recognition and distinction, was known 
as a valuable literary adviser not only to his publishing- 
house but to hundreds of authors and beginners in litera- 
ture, and was consulted in the certainty of getting from 
him what could be got nowhere else. He combined the quali- 
fications of publisher and author, which gave to his judgments 
a certain practical and final character. 

But if we ask the question, in what more specific way he 
exercised his strength, or by what special contribution he de- 
serves most highly, the answer is easily at hand. When he 
was invited in 1882 to deliver a course of Lowell lectures, 
there was no hesitation in his mind what subject he should 
take ; his lectures were published under the title u Childhood in 
Literature and Art." For this small treatise his life seems to 
have been passed in preparation. Memories of his own child- 
hood, his first attempts as an author, his experience as editor 
of a children's magazine were supplemented by his familiarity 
with the whole range of children's books, which for a genera- 
tion had been issuing from the press with astonishing ratio of 
increase. He too had taken a prominent part in the service 
of children, in the eight volumes of the Bodley Books, a sort 


of modern counterpart to the Rollo Books. They were his 
most profitable works, from a commercial point of view, but 
thrown off rapidly, often it would seem for his amusement or 
recreation, laughing as it were to himself while he wrote. 
This preparation, this confinement of his abilities to the 
visual angle of childhood had its serious side. He looked 
at his subject in a scientific way. He had studied the writings 
of Andersen and Grimm in order to catch their secret, and 
had edited their books for American readers. He translated 
anew the Fables of iEsop. In one sumptuous volume he had 
gathered together the masterpieces of children's literature. 
But his greatest monument was none of these. He had come 
to the significant conclusion that the best reading for children 
was not necessarily or exclusively that which was prepared 
expressly for their use, but rather the masterpieces of the 
world's literature. To this end he planned the Riverside 
Series of literature for young people, which from small begin- 
nings grew almost by its own momentum till it includes a 
large library, testifying by its wide circulation throughout the 
land that he had not been mistaken in his purpose. 

In his book "Childhood in Literature and Art" there are 
traces of wide reading and of deeper reflection. It begins 
with Homeric times, and with such clear appreciation of 
allusions that, as the reader moves onward, the successive 
ages stand revealed in the light of their estimate of the child. 
The art of the Renaissance is treated with peculiar beauty 
and delicate sympathy. English literature and French and 
German are reviewed with the same keenness and consistency 
of purpose, with special comment on Wordsworth and on those 
writers of the eighteenth century and the early nineteenth 
who first began to work directly in the interest of children. 
Of the Puritan conception of childhood, he remarks that it 
reversed the familiar injunction, so as to read, rt Unless ye 
become as men and are converted, ye shall not enter the king- 
dom of heaven." Most pertinent is the criticism of Haw- 
thorne and Dickens. Throughout the book there runs the 
enthusiasm of one who feels as if he had discovered for him- 
self "the new continent of childhood," of one who writes 
eon amore, as is indicated by the dedication to his daughter, 
" who was a child when this book was written." The book 
becomes a manual for parents bewildered with the complexity 



of the great problem. If it is deficient when judged by the 
later methods of psychological research, it has this distinctive 
value that it keeps in the open, avoiding the morbid and the 
recondite, adhering solely to the objective estimate, the con- 
scious rather than the subconscious life, true always to its 
title, childhood as revealed in those two most powerful modes 
of presentation, literature and art. It is therefore a book for 
the few. Those with the highest opportunity for cultured re- 
flection will most deeply appreciate its beauty and worth. 

This was always a characteristic of Mr. Scudder's work, 
that when he gave loose rein to his inclination he wrote for 
the few, — a feature pointing to a certain idiosyncrasy in his 
make-up on which it is worth while for a moment to dwell. 
He could do two things well, — he could write for children, 
as one of their own number, and he could write for those 
highly educated and advanced in culture. But for the large 
mass of average readers, who seek to be entertained, who 
need to be solicited, or are repelled by what looks dull or 
heavy, his personal message was not so clear. When he sat 
down to his higher tasks, he took his own elevated attitude 
as the standard to be maintained, indifferent to the question 
of popularity ; aiming only to say what ought to be said, 
what people ought to read, whether they would read or 
whether the}*- would forbear. That malady of the ideal, his 
own ideal, dominated him, till he almost lost vision of the 
practical, the commercial side of literary work. Such was 
the character of his constitution that his bow was always 
drawn at the strongest tension ; and when he relaxed it was 
to turn to work for children, often in a vein of trifling humor. 

An evidence of this peculiarity may be seen in his " Men 
and Letters," where he appears indifferent whether or no he 
gains the attention of many readers. It opens with an essay 
on Mulford, an almost unknown name, in whom the many 
could never be expected to take an interest, whose thought 
and personality moved on the mounts of vision almost out of 
range of the common sight. This essay was followed by one 
on Longfellow, which should have stood first, the longest as it 
is the most charming of his essays, one of the best studies of 
the poet which have yet been made. Next comes " The Modern 
Prophet," a tribute to Maurice, the so-called " obscure " theo- 
logian. From this he turns to " Landor as a Classic," a gem of 


literary appreciation, to be followed by a sketch of Dr. Muh- 
lenberg, a once famous episcopal divine with whose attitude 
he was in close sympathy. The casual reader might well infer 
that the author was a propagandist, introducing literary arti- 
cles for the purpose of securing a reading for theological 
studies. And in truth, he would not be so far wrong, for Mr. 
Scudder's interest in the larger bearings of theology quite 
rivalled his interest in pure literature. This illustration may 
serve to show how his judgment was at fault about his own 
work in a matter of technical arrangement, but it also indi- 
cates how he could defy the literary proprieties when his con- 
science dictated another mode of procedure. It would have 
been better form to have put the literary essays by themselves, 
as Mr. Hutton did, who was a kindred spirit, and have reserved 
to the theological a separate place. 

But we cannot dismiss this important book, small though it 
be, with only an adverse criticism on its internal arrangement. 
It best demonstrates, what has been said before, that Mr. 
Scudder's strength lay in the direction of historical and liter- 
ary criticism. Each essay is read with the painful feeling 
that it is by far too short, and one closes the book witli a sigh 
that there is not more to follow. Nor should we fail to call 
attention to its dedication to his friend Mr. H. M. Alden, 
where Mr. Scudder lifts the veil of his reserve to tell why he 
dropped the anonymous and the impersonal to speak under 
his own name. A few of its words may be quoted : " My oc- 
cupation has compelled me to print much comment upon con- 
temporaneous literature ; fortunately I have been able for the 
most part to work out of the glare of publicity. But there is 
always that something in us which whispers i I,' and after a 
while the anonymous critic becomes a little tired of listening 
to the whisper in his solitary cave, and is disposed to escape 
from it by coming out into the light, even at the risk of blink- 
ing a little, and by suffering the ghostly voice to become 
articulate, though the sound startles him. One craves com- 
pany for his thought, and is not quite content always to sit in 
the dark with his guests." 

In 1890 Mr. Scudder assumed the editorship of the " Atlantic 
Monthly " in succession to Lowell, J. T. Fields, Howells, and 
Aldrich. There was a certain common element in the aim of 
those who had preceded him, and this, what he called the 


" tradition " of the magazine, he proposed to follow. The 
higher aspects of political life, education, art, classical litera- 
ture, American and particularly New England history, were 
in a general way the directions in which he tended. He 
sought also after presentations of the best English culture. 
Under his administration each issue of the " Atlantic " con- 
tained solid articles of permanent value. Perhaps his aim was 
too high for the popular taste. He made no bid, however, for 
the popular approval, but strove to maintain a periodical which 
should lead rather than follow, whose pages should be open to 
the best thought and criticism, on condition only of some qual- 
ification in literary skill and expression. " America needed," 
he said, " as never before an insistence on the high ideals of 
literature and life." He sought to make the " Atlantic " an 
" organism," rather than " an aggressive or polemical organ" ; 
to preserve " the repose which belongs to high literature." 

So Mr. Scudder remained faithful to the " traditions," 
aware however that their force had diminished, that "new 
lights " had appeared on the horizon, and were followed with 
a new enthusiasm to the seeming neglect of the old masters. 
There is a passage in his essay on Anne Gilchrist, where he 
characterizes a tendency which then seemed to him ephemeral. 
His text was from a letter of Mrs. Gilchrist to William Ros- 
setti after reading the poems of Walt Whitman : " Since I 
have read it, I can read no other book ; it holds me entirely 
spellbound, and I go through it again and again with deepen- 
ing delight and wonder." Mr. Scudder's comment on this 
outburst of admiration shows him without sympathy for a 
mood which was destined for a time to prevail. 

" There is, or rather was fifteen or twenty years ago, in England, a 
disposition among literary and artistic people of a distinct type to con- 
struct an American phantom. The men and women who were at odds 
with the England of their day, impatient at smug respectability, chafing 
not so much at the petty restrictions of conventionality as at the limi- 
tations imposed by institutional religion and politics, wishing to escape 
from the commercial conception of the universe, and met everywhere 
by the self-complacency of Philistinism, took refuge in two widely 
separate realities, mediaeval romanticism and American freedom. The 
one inspired their art and much of their poetry, the other enkindled 
their thought. Both offered them an opportunity to protest against 
English lawful dulness. In America these spirits saw the cheerful 


largeness of hope, the confident step, the freedom from tradition, the 
frank appropriation of the world as belonging to Americans, and a 
general habit of mind which proclaimed law as made for man, and not 
man for law. With the ardor of worshippers, the more outre their 
idol, the more they admired it. An exaggerated type of frontier law- 
lessness, some sombrero-shadowed, cowhide-booted being, filled them 
with special ecstasy. It was not that they cared to go and live with him 
on the prairie, but he served as a sort of symbol to them of an expan- 
sive life, which was gone from England but was possible to humanity." 

For eight years Mr. Scudder held the responsible and trying 
position of an editor, for the greater part of the time in addi- 
tion to his other work. In 1897 he went to Europe for rest 
and recreation, spending a year in travel accompanied by his 
family. When he returned in 1898, he resigned the editorship 
of the " Atlantic " to take up what proved to be his last but in 
some respects his most important work, — the Life of Lowell 
which appeared in the fall of 1901. This work is now too 
well known and appreciated to call for further notice. That 
he should have been chosen for the task of depicting America's 
foremost literary critic was one of the high honors which be- 
fell him ; that he should have satisfied the expectations of 
those best qualified to judge is the highest praise. Despite 
difficulties encountered in the execution of his task, he has 
succeeded in giving us " the vivid presentation of Mr. Lowell's 
personality," and we live, as we read his pages, in " the very- 
presence of the man." 

This attempt to describe some of the leading features of Mr. 
Scudder's work only makes it imperative to affirm more em- 
phatically what has been already said, that his role as a man 
of letters was to work through the institution, rather than in 
individual creative ways. His distinction lay in adapting 
himself to his age with singular felicity. For thirty years he 
was associated with a prominent publishing-house, to whose 
interests he devoted his energies with most loyal enthusiasm, 
watchful for its welfare at every moment, jealous for its repu- 
tation, guarding it from danger, doing all that in him lay to 
promote its honorable growth and extension. During these 
years it may be safe to say that no new book was issued which 
had not first received his approval, until the imprint of the 
firm became synonymous with what is highest and best in 
American literature. This was his joy in life and his reward, 


that each year he recorded the growing usefulness and increas- 
ing prosperity of the institution. How much he did in the 
direction of stimulating others to creative work cannot be 
measured ; it is a secret buried in the experiences of those who 
know. But there must be many books, and some of them far- 
reaching and permanent in their influence, which owe their 
origin to him. He studied other men, followed their work, 
estimated its value, and when the moment was ripe incited 
them to authorship, and this in many lines, and not in some 
one narrow channel. He became a good genius to young- 
authors who were just beginning their career, he encouraged 
and stimulated to fresh endeavors the more mature, and there 
were many who felt stronger because they were aware that 
they existed in his consciousness, under the shield of his en- 
couragement and protection. He lived in and for the institu- 
tion, but he was too strong a man to be eclipsed by the 
institution or identified with it. In his personality he was 
greater than in his work. He was known, he was honored, 
revered, and loved for himself, for his disinterested pursuit 
and frank recognition of what was excellent. Absolute con- 
fidence was reposed in him that he would never crush the 
germs of promise, but cherish them as a sacred trust, helping 
as far as he could to free them from crudeness or eccentricity. 
He became the modern substitute for the ancient patron of 
letters. Such books as in the eighteenth century could not 
have seen the light without permission to dedicate to some 
noble lord, were carried to him for sanction. The adulation 
and flattery which authors once lavished on patrons assumed 
in this case the form of a genuine gratitude and affection. To 
this personal devotion, the fitting reward of unselfish and 
generous labor, were added other rewards in the more formal 
and public recognition, among them the degree of Doctor of 
Letters from Princeton University in 1896. 

Mr. Scudder's published works include over a score of 
volumes, while his anonymous work if gathered into books 
would make several volumes more. In all his writings there 
are the marks of clear insight, often accompanied with illu- 
minating flashes which penetrate to the inmost recess of his 
theme. Right sympathy, sure intelligence, the scholarly 
mind, conscientiousness, carefulness, thoroughness, sanity of 
judgment, — these are his qualities; on the other hand cau- 


tion and conservatism, even a touch of fastidiousness. As to 
his literary methods, foremost, of course, was his enormous 
capacity of accomplishing tasks, so that those who saw him 
most closely were amazed at the ease and the speed with 
which he would do the work that ordinarily would require 
the labor of several men. The arrangements of his study, the 
classification of his papers, the numerous indexes of his writ- 
ings showed at a glance his orderly nature. His manuscripts 
were in graceful, refined handwriting; he refused the aid in 
composition of the typewriter or even of the fountain pen. 
He had a device of his own in blank books for composition, 
corresponding in shape with their prospective published form. 
These he preserved, sending type-written copies to the press, 
making his corrections in the proof because not sure of his 
expression till he saw it in type. He made catalogues of all 
his writings, with references to dates and places, collections 
also of his short articles and fugitive papers, which were 
somewhat luxuriously bound as if to impress himself with the 
importance of every, even the slightest task. He seemed to 
have abundance of time at his disposal, and showed great 
gladness in receiving callers who came for advice on literary 
matters; he gave abundantly from his ample resources, ready 
at the moment with his opinions in answer to questions, and 
yet without rudeness it became evident when the interview 
was over. Although frank and open in his manners, he was 
also reticent beyond certain limits, as if he carried confidential 
deposits which he must be on guard lest he should betray. 

Among the public positions of trust which he held, one was 
membership of the State Board of Education for several years. 
Some of his most elaborate studies have gone into its annual 
reports. Williams College, to -which he gave long service as a 
trustee, is noted for the intense devotion it inspires among its 
alumni ; but by none was he surpassed in ardent affection, in 
earnest and constant consideration for its welfare. It was 
like a second home, for there also three of his brothers had 
been trained. Although living at a distance, he held it a 
sacred obligation to attend the meetings of its trustees without 
regard to his personal convenience. Standing in the same 
relation to the government of Wellesley College, he carried it 
close to his heart, endearing himself greatly to its trustees and 
faculty. When the new chapel was to be built, his knowledge 


of architecture and interest in ecclesiastical arrangements and 
decorations enabled him to make practical suggestions which 
were incorporated in the edifice to its improvement. He took 
a prominent and responsible part in the election and instal- 
lation of Miss Hazard as president. So great had been his 
service that his death was felt as a calamity for which the 
college mourned. He was also a trustee of the Episcopal 
Theological School in Cambridge, where his services were 
greatly valued. For many }^ears he served on the Cambridge 
school committee. In other relations, some of them but little 
heard of, he wrought with the same unselfish devotion to the 
public good. He was president of the Church Library Asso- 
ciation, where he made it his duty to see that all unworthy 
books should be weeded out from its annual catalogue for 
Sunday-school and parish libraries. In this position he had 
many co-workers under him, whose respect and confidence he 
maintained, sometimes under difficult circumstances. In all 
these posts, as in all his personal relations, he showed himself 
a man of great staying power, to whom one could tie with 
confidence. He had the blessing of the peacemaker, for it 
was his aim, it seemed to be his mission in official relation- 
ships, to reconcile differences, to study the art of making 
sacrifices in the interest of harmony and united action. 

In his religious life he kept the custom of regular church 
attendance and of the daily family prayers. From the clerical 
point of view he was the ideal layman, in the many relations of 
the parish and its minister seeking only for the common good. 
His devout presence was in itself a sermon. His family life 
was most fortunate and most happy. His home in Cambridge 
became an attractive social and literary centre. He was fond 
of social functions, and for them was singularly fitted, inheriting 
from his father a happy sanguine temperament, the disposition 
to be pleased with little things, together with an unfailing fund 
of wit and humor, which made intercourse with him a truly 
joyous experience. Under all circumstances he maintained 
this cheerful glad demeanor, or if he were downcast he never 
showed it. He seemed to lead the happy life of the childhood 
which in his books he portrayed, keeping the child's freshness 
and sense of the joyousness of life. 

So he came to the end, prematurely it would seem to us, on 
January 11, 1902, maintaining through a prolonged illness 


great serenity, and even Christian fortitude which a stoic 
might envy. His familiar appearance on the streets of Cam- 
bridge or Boston as he went in and out among us for thirty years 
made him a conspicuous landmark, whose disappearance has 
changed the outlook of many lives. By those who knew him 
best he will live in memory as a man true in his relationships, 
— a faithful friend, a genial companion with a large and hope- 
ful, a loving and trusting heart. In the finished product of 
simple manhood he stood for all that was most wanted or 
most to be desired. He was in reality, as we now see him 
transfigured in the eternal light, a man who lived in the spirit 
of self-sacrifice for the good of others, a philanthropist and 
public servant in the r<31e of a man of letters. 




The Annual Meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th instant, 
at three o'clock p. M. In the absence of the President, who 
had not returned from his trip abroad, the senior Vice-Presi- 
dent, Hon. Samuel A. Green, LL.D., was in the chair. 

After the reading of the records and the customary reports 
from the Corresponding Secretary, the Cabinet-Keeper, and 
the Librarian, the Vice-President said : — 

It is my sad duty, at this Annual Meeting, to announce the 
death of John Davis Washburn, which took place at his home 
in Worcester, on Saturday last (April 4). He had been a mem- 
ber of the Society for more than twenty years, having been 
chosen at the December meeting in 1882. At two periods he 
served as a member of the Council ; and he was also the 
writer of an interesting memoir of the Hon. Stephen Salisbury, 
which appears in the Proceedings for May, 1885. A native 
of Boston, where he was born on March 27, 1833, he passed 
his boyhood at Lancaster, from which town he entered Har- 
vard College in the autumn of 1849, and graduated with honor 
in the Class of 1853. It may be worthy of note to record the 
fact that eight graduates of that class have become members 
of this Society. He studied the profession of law in the office 
of Mr. Hoar, now the senior United States Senator from this 
Commonwealth; and later he entered the Harvard Law School, 
where he took the degree of LL.B. in 1856. 

At an early period in his professional life he turned his 
attention to the subject of fire insurance, and in that branch 
of practice won distinction as an authority among his breth- 
ren. He was a member of the State Legislature for some 
years, having served in the House during the sessions of 1876 
to 1879 inclusive, and in the Senate during the session of 
1884. At a later time he represented the government of 
the United States as Minister Resident to the Republic 
of Switzerland ; and during his diplomatic term the dignity 


of the office was raised to that of Envoy Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary. His public career at Berne was as 
honorable to the nation as it was creditable to himself. 

Until ten or twelve years ago, when his health broke down, 
Mr. Washburn's life was one of many activities ; and in the 
neighborhood of Worcester and Boston he held various posi- 
tions of trust and responsibility, which were faithfully filled. 
In recent times, however, owing to ill-health, he had been com- 
pelled to a large degree to retire from these several duties. 
But apart from his public services and his prominent position 
in the community, he will be remembered longest by those 
who knew him best for that kindness of heart and geniality of 
disposition which never failed him, and for that inborn trait 
of character which makes friends of all with whom one comes 
in contact. Of the various friendships and intimacies made 
among students at college, now more than fifty years ago, — 
always "excepting my own class, — there was no one with whom 
my personal relations were so pleasant or so lasting as with 
John Washburn. 

The Hon. Henry S. Nourse, of Lancaster, was appointed to 
write the Memoir of Mr. Washburn, for publication in the 

Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D., of Cambridge, was elected a 
Resident Member ; and Hon. Horace Davis, of San Francisco, 
California, was elected a Corresponding Member. 

Mr. Charles Eliot Norton, having been called on, said : 

When our President asked me to say a few words concerning 
our late associate, Mr. Elliot Cabot, I hesitated about doing 
so, for I was never on terms of intimacy with him, and could 
not speak of him as one might do who had been in continuous 
close relation with him. But, on reflection, it seemed to me 
that a friendly acquaintance of fifty years or more might 
justify me in endeavoring to set forth the main conditions of 
his life and to indicate in part at least the qualities which gave 
distinction to his character. 

In his veins two currents of blood were united which, singly 
or in conjunction, have given vigor to the lives of a large 
number of eminent citizens of Boston during the last century. 
If the name of Perkins and of Cabot were erased from the 


story of the city, there would be a notable gap in its annals. 
They have stood for enterprise, integrity, and public-minded 
liberality, while underlying these great qualities there has 
been apparent in both houses a high regard for those intellect- 
ual interests without which material success in life is of little 

In Mr. Elliot Cabot these latter interests were predominant 
and ruled the course of his years. After his graduation in 
1840, when he was nineteen years of age, he went abroad, and 
spent two years mainly in study in Paris and in Germany. 
Returning home in 1843, he entered the Harvard Law School, 
and after two years took his degree, in 1845. It was the 
moment of the Transcendental ferment in our narrow local 
world, which the grandfather of our President, and my own 
father and other good men, firm in the faith as it had been 
delivered to the fathers, viewed with suspicion and abhorrence. 
They did not recognize in its new and surprising form the 
spirit of truth which had been their own inspiration. But it 
was not strange that a 3 r outh of liberal temper and of intel- 
lectual aspirations should partake in the emotion of the time, 
welcome the novel doctrine, and enroll himself among the dis- 
ciples of the two foremost leaders of thought in our little 
parish, — Emerson and Parker. The publication of the " Dial " 
was begun the year he left college. This now famous journal 
had a struggling existence for four years. Its last number, 
that for April, 1844, opened with an essay by Cabot on 
Immanuel Kant, setting forth the main doctrine of the phi- 
losopher, and showing the bent of mind of its writer by which 
the whole course of his later life was to be determined. 

In 1846 Theodore Parker began the publication of the 
" Massachusetts Quarterly Review," and Mr. Cabot, who found 
the practice of the law as little suited to his genius as to his 
taste, was associated with him as assistant editor. It was in 
this same year that Agassiz arrived in Boston, and Cabot was 
among those who greeted his arrival with enthusiasm, for he 
was not only a lover of nature, but a student of it as well, and 
was already known as having an acquaintance with the birds of 
Massachusetts such as few professional naturalists possessed. 
The quality of his love and study of nature, and the high 
character of the man were immortalized by Emerson in his 
well-known verses entitled " Forbearance." Beginning with 


they end, 

Hast thou named all the birds without a gun ? 
Loved the wood-rose and left it on its stalk ? " 

O, be my friend, and teach me to be thine." 

Mr. Cabot's well-trained powers of observation and descrip- 
tion of nature were shown in his Narrative published in 1850 
of the tour made by Mr. Agassiz and several companions to 
Lake Superior. Mr. Cabot was a skilful draughtsman, and 
his Narrative is illustrated by lithographs taken from his 
drawings, and is supplemented by an account of the birds of 
the region. 

In 1849 he put his taste and skill in art to the proof by 
engaging professionally in the practice of architecture, in con- 
nection with his brother the eminent architect, Mr. Edward C. 
Cabot ; but the practice of the art was not attractive to him, 
and after a few years he withdrew altogether from it. 

After his marriage, which took place in 1857, Mr. Cabot 
established himself in Brookline, and there lived, with brief 
occasional absences, for the remainder of his life. His days 
were thenceforth mainly those of a retired student, largely 
withdrawn from active pursuits. His judgment, his culture, 
his taste were such, however, that they were sought, and 
given, in the service of many of the most important public 
institutions of Brookline and of Boston. For many years, for 
instance, he was a trustee of the Athenaeum and of the 
Museum of Fine Arts, and from 1875 to 1883 he was an Over- 
seer of Harvard College. He discharged the duties of these 
various positions with entire fidelity, and with such capacity 
and judgment as made him a trusted member of every board 
upon which he sat. 

He had no large circle of friends, but his friendships were 
dear to him, — none dearer and none more close and continu- 
ous than that with Mr. Emerson. The two men were bound 
together by sympathies more intimate than those of opinion, 
sympathies of temperament and of mood. Each respected the 
genius of the other. The reticences and reserves of each only 
bound them the closer. " I cannot afford," said Emerson, " to 
speak much with my friend." But the two essential elements 
of friendship existed in their relation, — truth and tenderness; 
and in Mr. Emerson's later days, when the noble faculties 
of his mind had begun to decline, Mr. Cabot afforded him 


assistance which no other person could have rendered, aiding 
him in the preparation of some of his writings for publica- 
tion, or, more exactly speaking, in selecting and arranging 
them and in carrying them through the press. How great 
this aid was may be inferred from Mr. Cabot's prefatory note 
in the edition of 1883 to the volume of Essays which was 
first published in 1875 under the title of " Letters and Social 

Mr. Emerson had chosen him as his literary executor, and 
after Emerson's death it fell to Mr. Cabot not only to edit 
his works, but also to perform the difficult task of writing 
his biography. In the accomplishment of this task, Mr. Cabot 
displayed his own intellectual powers and literary abilities 
as in no other work, and his Life of his friend is, in my 
judgment, an admirable performance. It is a sincere and ade- 
quate record of a life led on a higher plane than most men 
reach, — the life of one to whom spiritual and ideal things 
were the real concerns of this existence, and who exhibited 
in the simplicity, dignhVv, and graciousness of his daily walk 
the virtues of his soul. The biography, while it contains all 
that is requisite for a picture of the man in his every-day 
aspect and outward garb, contains no record of trifles for the 
satisfaction of gossip-mongers : it gives a true impression of 
Emerson as he was and as he seemed to his contemporaries, 
— a pure and poetic figure in his home and in the street, con- 
formed to the character indicated, and indeed more than indi- 
cated, by his poems and his essays. It is a high service which 
Mr. Cabot thus accomplished to the memory of his friend and 
for the benefit of posterity. 

But beside its excellence as a delineation of Mr. Emerson's 
life, this biography is not less excellent in its analysis of his 
thought ; and there are passages in it of remarkable critical 
discrimination and ability of statement. I know not where 
else to find so good an account in brief of the conditions of 
thought and belief in our community at the time when Emer- 
son's genius began to make itself felt, and of the nature of 
the influence which that genius exerted, as in Mr. Cabot's 
chapters entitled, respectively, " Transcendentalism " and 
" Religion." 

This book will be Mr. Cabot's monument, and a sufficient 
one. Whether it were want of ambition, or self-distrust com- 


bined with his natural reserve, or conscious lack of power to 
do justice to his ideals, Mr. Cabot's own studies, pursued 
year after year, bore little fruit for the public. These studies 
were mainly in metaphysics, from Aristotle to Hegel. A 
quarter of a century after his brief article on Kant in the 
"Dial," he gave to me for the "North American Review" 
a paper on Hegel. It showed the fidelity of his attempt to 
understand and to expound the least intelligible of modern 
metaphysicians, but it left to the layman the " Secret of 
Hegel" as great a secret as ever. 

Tranquil, content, philosophic, useful, his life flowed in a 
quiet current. Beloved by the small circle of his intimates, 
respected by the community, he had little to ask for. He was 
perhaps too modest to recognize the greatest of the services 
which he was rendering, the example of a man who held at 
low worth the objects for which most other men waste their 
days in striving. His reticence was a rebuke to the general 
loquacity ; his reserve to the popular love of display and to 
the low arts of the newspaper reporter. In maintaining his 
own inviolable dignity, he maintained that of his fellows. 
Would that there were more like him, devoted, to the things 
of the mind, who while the great world bustles on heed it not, 
but seek in silence, in independence, and in cheerful confi- 
dence, the wisdom of the gods ! 

Rev. Morton Dexter read parts of the following paper : 

The Members of the Pilgrim Company in Ley den. 

In connection with the history of the settlers of the Ply- 
mouth Colony it is of interest to know who were members of 
their company in Leyden, during some part, or the whole, of 
their residence there from 1609 to 1620. So far as I am 
aware, no list of their names ever has been compiled. The 
late Dr. H. M. Dexter, my father, a member of this Society, 
made investigations on this subject and caused others to be 
made for him. He left a collection of notes about it. But 
they were incomplete and occasionally inaccurate, as he did 
not live to carry out his intention of revising them thoroughly 
on the spot. This, in connection with other studies, I have 
attempted to do, principally during two visits to Leyden in 
1901 and 1902, and I have spent nearly six months in careful 


examination of the various civil or ecclesiastical records of 
that city. In respect to this subject the results have been 
a considerable increase of the amount of material and the 
correction of some misunderstandings. With the aid of infor- 
mation gained elsewhere about some of the individuals con- 
cerned, it seems possible to identify with reasonable accuracy 
more than two hundred of those who in Leyden formed the 
Pilgrim body. 

The Dutch archives are at once the admiration and the 
despair of the investigator of the period of the Pilgrim resi- 
dence. Probably no other nation kept such full public records 
during the first quarter of the seventeenth century as the 
Dutch. Leyden, Amsterdam, and the other important cities 
or towns possess large collections of volumes, recording be- 
trothals — which had to be made formally and publicly; 
marriages — recorded in one set of books if the parties be- 
longed to the State Church, and in a different set if they did 
not ; burials — these being set down rather than deaths ; ad- 
missions to citizenship ; powers of attorney given ; agreements 
to buy, sell, or transfer real estate ; the actual sales, or trans- 
fers ; affidavits upon all sorts of subjects; the daily official 
doings of the successive burgomasters ; the membership of 
the night-watch, or city guard, etc. In the case of Leyden, 
these, with the university records, the census taken in Octo- 
ber, 1622, and several maps, or plans, of the town, which show 
every house and lot and state the owner's name, enable the 
student to learn a great deal about the inhabitants between 
1609 and 1620. 

But he also finds much to embarrass him. For example, in 
respect to names, an item of the first importance, he is in 
difficulties from the outset. Not only are they written in the 
old Dutch characters, often hard to be deciphered, but also the 
Dutch recorders wrote them down from the sound, apparently 
taking little or no pains to learn their spelling. An example 
is the name Dorothy Ament, which there can be little doubt 
ought to be Dorothy Hammond. Different clerks also under- 
stood and recorded the same name differently. Sometimes 
the same clerk recorded the same name differently on succes- 
sive occasions. Indeed, at that time the English themselves 
were none too self-consistent in their spelling. The result is 
that so simple a name as Bradford occurs in the records in 


several different forms, and Southworth is found in not less 
than nine. To determine the names of some of the less con- 
spicuous persons is exceedingly difficult, and now and then 

Confusion also results from the Dutch equivalents of Eng- 
lish names, which occur sometimes, and from the Dutch cus- 
tom of designating a man merely as his father's son, omitting 
the last name in each case. For instance, John Ellis had a 
son, Christopher, who became a considerable dealer in real 
estate, and whose transactions brought his name upon the 
records oftener than that of any other man of them all, 
although he was not more than a youth when the Plymouth 
colonists knew him. But he is set down almost uniformly as 
Stoffel Janson, Stoffel being the Dutch for Christopher, and 
Janson signifying the son of John. There is unmistakable 
evidence that Stoffel Janson was Christopher Ellis, but until 
one lights upon it he has but little reason to suspect their 

Furthermore, some sets of records overlap. There are more 
than one series covering transactions of the same kind and 
the same period ; for instance, dealings in real estate. This 
fact easily might go undiscovered. I learned it only by failing 
to find in one series entries which I had reason to believe 
must exist somewhere. Some items are in one set of these 
records, some in another, some in a third, and some in more 
than one of them. Again, after one has made sure that he 
has before him all the volumes possibly containing the infor- 
mation which he seeks, he is baffled afresh by the odd old 
custom of indexing by Christian names. For any entry con- 
cerning William Brewster, for example, he must look, not 
under the letter B but under W, among the Willems or 
Williams. And, in addition, if he should exhaust the list of 
Williams vainly, let him not abandon his search without 
making certain that there is not, somewhere else in the volume, 
a supplementary index of other Williams, and possibly even 
a third in another place. But by persistence one may over- 
come all these hindrances sufficiently to feel sure in the end 
that he has allowed little, if anything, to elude his scrutiny. 

The names of many members of the Pilgrim company 
appear in the various records repeatedly. But most of them 
are mentioned only occasionally, and chiefly when a marriage 



or a burial occurred among them. In determining who be- 
longed to their number, the first step is to inquire who can be 
identified beyond any possible question. We know positively 
that Bradford, Brewster, Carver, Winslow, and others were in 
Leyden then, and came over here in the " Mayflower." We 
know also that John Robinson, William Jepson, Randall 
Thickins, Henry Wood, and others were associated with them 
in Leyden. These definitely known members of the company 
form a nucleus, around which others may be gathered and to 
which they can be connected. This first class, which includes 
those of whom we may be absolutely certain, has proved 
unexpectedly large. It includes a hundred and seventeen 

The next step is to inquire who were associated with them 
in ways, and with a degree of closeness, which warrant the 
inference that in all reasonable probability these associates 
also belonged to the company. Here the evidence is drawn 
from the records of those matters in respect to which men 
naturally seek the presence and help of their kindred or 
nearest friends. Undoubtedly the Pilgrims held, and were 
glad to hold, considerable friendly intercourse with other 
English or Scotch residents of Leyden ; with the Walloons, 
who were chiefly French ; and with the native Dutch popula- 
tion. Yet, in a real sense, they were a colony by themselves. 
They cultivated mutual fellowship. At important hours in 
their respective individual or family histories, they would 
have been most unlikely to turn for sympathy and service to 
comparative strangers rather than to the fellow members of 
their own church or congregation. It seems fair, therefore, 
to assume that when one of them needed witnesses to his 
betrothal or marriage, for example, or wished to be guaranteed 
as a suitable candidate for citizenship, the witnesses, guaran- 
tors, or other assistants or supporters, must have been chosen, 
in most cases, from his fellow-members of the company. That 
the evidence of this is entirely conclusive in every instance 
cannot be asserted. But that the rule thus laid down is safe 
to be followed no student of the records is likely to deny. 
Indeed, in many cases there is ample corroborative evidence. 
Of this second class, including those of whose membership in 
the Pilgrim company we may feel practically assured, at least 
ninety-one persons can be named. 


A third class, much more difficult to be determined, re- 
mains, — that of those who may have been members, but as 
to whom the evidence is less conclusive. Bradford has testi- 
fied 1 that at one time the English church in Amsterdam 
numbered about" three hundred communicants," adding, " As 
for the church in Leyden, they were sometimes not much fewer 
in number." At a low estimate, their congregation must have 
included at least a hundred more. Some died, and others — 
Bradford says " many " 2 — returned to England. But they also 
continued to receive occasional accessions up to the time of 
the departure to America. That those who came to this 
country were a minority is known, but exactly what propor- 
tion this number bore to the majority which remained is un- 
known. There is a statement, 3 however, that there was not 
much difference between them, but it is not indicated 
whether the majority and minority were those of the whole 
company or merely of the church. At least thirty-seven of 
the voyagers by the " Mayflower " seem to have come from 
Leyden. If all of the eighteen others who left them at 
Plymouth, England, also were from Leyden, which is improb- 
able, the emigration must have withdrawn only fifty-five from 
that city. If this minority were of the company, they cannot 
have numbered at that time more than from one hundred to 
one hundred and fifty. If it were of the church only, the 
whole body then may have numbered two hundred, or even 
more. The latter seems more probable, judging from the 
subsequent records about those who remained and remember- 
ing that most of those who went must have belonged to the 

Whatever the total number may have been at that date, it 
is plain that the first two of the three classes cannot have 
included all who were recognized as belonging to the com- 
pany, for all three classes have to do not merely with the date 
of the departure, but with the whole period between 1609 and 
July, 1620. From one-third to one-half of the possible mem- 
bers therefore remain to be identified, but there is no proba- 
bility that the names of many of them ever will be ascertained 
beyond question, unless through the discovery of documents 

1 Dml. in Young's Chronicles, 455, 456. 

2 Hist. 22. 

8 Ed. Winslow, Brief Narration. In Young's Chrons., 384. 


at present unknown. Yet more than sixty others may be 
mentioned, in regard to each of whom there exists either 
some probability, or, at the least, some more or less definite 
indication, of a connection with the company. 

The three following lists contain the names of the members 
of the three classes which have been defined. Each name, 
excepting those as to which no proof is necessary, such as 
Bradford's and Brewster's, is accompanied by some brief sug- 
gestion of the evidence in its own case, but in many in- 
stances a small part only of the evidence is supplied. To do 
more would expand this paper beyond reasonable limits. The 
names of a considerable number of other English residents of 
Leyden during the period under consideration are in my pos- 
session. Probably some, and possibly many, of them are 
those of actual members of the Pilgrim company. But they 
are omitted here because at present there is not enough evi- 
dence that they belong in any one of the three lists. 


The Known Members op the Company. 

[m. against a name = came in " Mayflower," 16*20. r. = came in "Fortune," 
1621. l. j. a. = came in " Little James " or " Anne," 1623. The chief uncer- 
tainty is in regard to the children ; but when both parents — like Isaac and 
Mary Allerton — were in Leyden until July, 1620, it seems safe to include 
their children in the company.] 

1. Allerton, Isaac, m. 

2. " Mary (Norris). m. Wife of Is. Married Nov. 4, 1611. 

3. " Bartholomew. M. Their son. 

4. " Remember, m. Their dau. 

5. " Mary. m. Their dau. 

6. Bassett, William, f. Rog. Wilson and Ed. Southworth wit- 

nessed his betrothal July 29, 1611. 

7. " Margaret (Oldham). 2d wife of Wm. Mar. Aug. 13, 

1611. Died before autumn of 1621. 

8. Blossom, Thomas. Gave power of att'y to wife, Mar. 12, 1610. 

Wrote, Dec. 15, 1625, to Bradford, who later 
called him (Hist. 314) one of "their anciente 
friends which had lived in Holand." Came to 
Plym. in 1629. 

9. " Ann. Wife of Thos. Mar. before Mar. 12, 1610. 

Came to Plym. with him. 
10. " Their child. Buried Apr. 12, 1617. 


11. Bradford, William, m. 

12. " Dorothy (May), m. Wife of Wm. Mar., at Amst., 

Dec. 10, 1613. 

13. " John. Their son. Came to Plym. in, or soon after, 


14. Brewer, Thomas. Assoc, in printing with Brewster. 

15. " 1st wife of Thos. Bur. Oct. 20, 1618. 

16. " Their child. Bur. Aug. 30, 1618. 

17. « Their child. Bur. Oct. 3, 1618. 

18. " Stephen. Their son. 

19. " Trintye. Their dau. 

20. " Margaret. 2d wife of Thos. Must have mar. him soon 

after 1st wife's death, as she had four children by 
him in Oct., 1622, by census. 

21. " Daniel. Son of Thos. and Marg. Must have been born 

before July, 1620. 

22. Brewster, William, m. 

23. " Mary. M. Wife of Wm. 

24. " Jonathan, f. Their son. 

25. " Patience, l. j. a. Their dau. 

26. " Fear, l.j.a. Their dau. 

27. " Wrestling, m. Their son. 

28. " Love. m. Their son. 

29. Carpenter, Alexander. Fath. -in-law of Geo. Morton and Sam. 

Fuller. Wit. their bets. July 6, 1612, and Mar. 
15, 1613. 

30. " Priscilla. Dau. of Alex. Wit. bet. of Is. Allerton Oct. 

7, 1611. Came to Plym. in, or soon after, 1627. 

31. Carver, John. m. 

32. " Catharine, m. Wife of John. 

33. Crackstone, John. m. Wit. bet. of Zech. Barrow June 16, 1616. 

34. Cushman, Robert. Bought house Nov. 4, 1611. Came with 

Pilgrims as far as Plym., Eng., but returned. 
Visited Plym. Col. in 1621. 

35. " Sarah. 1st wife of Rob. Bur. Oct. 11, 1616. 

36. " Their child. Bur. Mar. 11, 1616. 

37. " Their child. Bur. Oct. 24, 1616. 

38. " Thomas, f. Their son. Born about 1607. 

39. " Mary (Singleton). 2d wife of Rob. Mar. June 5, 


40. Cuthbertson, Cuthbert. l.j.a. Eliz. Keble, Eliz. Kendall, Sr., 

and Ed. Kendall wit. his bet. May 12, 1617. 

41. « Elizabeth (Kendall). Wife of Cuth. Mar. May 

27, 1617. 


42. Fletcher, Moses, m. Wm. Bradford, Wm. Lisle and Sarah 

Priest wit. his bet. Nov. 30, 1613. 

43. " Sarah (Denby). 2d wife of Mos. Mar. Dec. 21, 1613. 

44. Fuller, Samuel, m. 

45. " Agnes (Carpenter). Dau. of Alex. 2d wife of Sam. 

Mar. Apr. 24, 1613. Bur. July 3, 1615. 

46. " Child of Sam. Bur. June 29, 1615. 

47. " Bridget (Lee), l. j. a. 3d wife of Sam. Mar. May 27, 


48. Goodman, John. M. 

49. " Sarah (Hooper). 2d wife of John. Mar. Oct. 10, 


50. Hazel, Jane. Niece of Eliz. (Barker) Winslow. Wit. her bet. 

Apr. 27, 1618. 

51. Jenny, John. l. j. a. Rog. Wilson wit. his bet. Sept. 5, 1614. 

52. " Sarah (Carey), l.j.a. Wife of John. Mar. Nov. 1, 1614. 

53. " Their child. Bur. June 16, 1618. 

54. Jepson, Henry. Bro. of Wm. Hen. Wood wit. his bet. Dec. 8, 


55. " Jane (Powell). Wife of Hen. Mar. Dec. 23, 1617, or 

soon after. 

56. " William. Assoc, with Robinson and oths. in purchase of 

Robinson's house, Jan. 27, 1611. 

57. ' " Rosamond (Horsfield). Wife of Wm. Mar., at Amst., 

Apr. 28, 1609. 

58. Kendall, Elizabeth, Sr. Moth.-in-law of Cuth. Cuthbertson. 

Wit. his bet. May 12, 1617. 

59. " Edward. Bro.-in-law of Cuth. Cuthbertson. Wit. his 

bet. May 12, 1617. 

60. Lee, Josephine. Moth.-in-law of Sam. Fuller. Wit. his bet. 

May 12, 1617. 

61. " Samuel. Bro.-in-law of Sam. Fuller. Guaranteed for citi- 

zenship by Wm. Bradford and Rog. Wilson Oct. 
19, 1615. 

62. " Maria (Nash). 1st wife of Sam. Mar. June 30, 1618. 

63. " Their child. Bur. Feb. 18, 1619. 

64. Masterson. Richard. Wit. bet. of Is. Allerton Oct. 7, 1611. 

Wrote, with oths, to Bradford and Brewster, Nov. 
30, 1625. Came to Plym. in 1628-9. 

65. " Mary (Goodale). Wife of Rich. Mar. Nov. 23, 

1619. Came to Plym. with him. 
QQ. Morton, George, l. j. a. Thos. Morton, Rog. Wilson, Alice 
Carpenter, and Anna Robinson wit. his bet. July 
6, 1612. 


67. Morton, Juliana (Carpenter), l. j. a. Dau. of Alex. "Wife of 


68. " Nathaniel, l. j. a. Their son. Born 1613. 

69. " Patience, l. j. a. Their dau. Born 1615. 

70. " John. l.j. a. Their son. Born 1616. 

71. " Sarah, l. j. A. Their dau. Born 1618. 

72. " Thomas, f. Bro. of Geo. Wit. his bet. July 6, 


73. Nash, Thomas. Mentioned in letter of Sam. Fuller and oths., 

June 10, 1620, as recently arrived in Leyd. Ap- 
parently had gone from there to London on busi- 
ness for the Pilgrims. Brought their pilot back 
with him. 

74. Peck, Robert. Bro. of Ann (Peck) Spooner. John Jenny wit. 

his bet. Oct. 1, 1609. 

75. " Jane (Merritt). Wife of Rob. Mar. Nov. 21, 1609. 

76. " Their child. Bur. Sept. 12, 1619. 

77. Pickering, Edward. Geo. Morton and Rand. Thickins wit. his 

bet. Nov. 24, 1612. 

78. " Mary (Stubbs). Wife of Ed. Mar. Dec. 15, 1612. 

79. Priest, Degory. m. Sam. Fuller wit. his bet. Oct. 7, 1611. 

80. " Sarah (Allerton, Vincent), l.j. a. Wife of Deg. Mar. 

Nov. 4, 1611. 

81. " Mary. l. j. a. Their dau. Born before July, 1620. 

82. " Sarah. L. j. a. Their dau. Born before July, 1620. 

83. Reynolds, John. Worked as printer for Brewster. 

84. " Prudence (Grindon). Wife of John. Mar. Aug. 18, 


85. Robinson, John. 

86. " Bridget (White). Wife of John. Sister of Jane 


87. " John, Jr. Their son. 

88. " Bridget. Their dau. Old enough to marry John 

Greenwood May 26, 1629. 

89. « — Child of John and Bridget, Sr. Bur. May 15, 


90. Rogers, Thomas, m. Guar, for cit. June 25, 1618, by Wm. Jep- 

son and Rog. Wilson. 

91. Smith, Thomas. John Crackstone and Patience Brewster wit. 

his bet. Dec. 12, 1618. 

92. " Anna (Crackstone). Dau. of John. Wife of Thos. Mar. 

Dec. 22, 1618. 

93. Southworth, Edward. Bro.-in-law of Geo. Morton and Sam. 



94. Southworth, Alice (Carpenter), l. j. a. Dau. of Alex. Wife 

of Ed. Mar. May 28, 1613. 

95. " Constant. Their sou. Born 1614. Came to Plym. 

in 1628. 

96. " Thomas. Their son. Born 1616. Came to Plym. 

in 1628 or soon after. 

97. Spooner, John. Sam. Lee wit. his bet. Nov. 9, 1616. 

98. " Susanna (Bennett). 1st wife of John. Bur. Mar. 28, 


99. " Ann (Peck). Sist. of Rob. Ward of Wm. Brewster. 

2d wife of John. Mar. Dec. 24, 1616. 

100. Terry, Samuel. Sam. Fuller wit. his bet. May 16, 1614. 

Stated by Winslow {Brief Nar. in Young's Chrons. 
393) to have been admitted to the Pilg. Church 
from the French (Walloon) Church. 

101. " Mildred (Charles). Wife of Sam. Mar. May 31, 


102. Thickins, Randall. Bro. -in-law of Robinson. One of pur- 

chasers of Robinson's house Jan. 27, 1611. 

103. " Jane (White). Sister of Bridget Robinson. Wife of 


104. Tilley, John. m. 

105. " Bridget (van der Welde). m. Wife of John. Mar. 

Mar. 3, 1615. 

106. " Paul. Fath. of John. Wit. his bet. Feb. 13, 1615. 

107. Tinker, Thomas, m. Guar, for cit. Jan. 16, 1617, by John 

Keble and Abr. Gray. 

108. Turner, John. m. Guar, for cit. Sept. 27, 1610, by Wm. Lisle. 

109. White, William, m. Bro.-in-law of Sam. Fuller. 

110. " Susanna (Fuller), m. Sister of Sam. Wife of Wm. 

Mar. Feb. 11, 1612. 

111. " Resolved, m. Their son. 

112. Williams, Thomas, m. Wit. bet. of Rog. Wilson Mar. 11, 


113. Wilson, Roger. Bro.-in-law of Thos. Williams. Wit. bet. of 

Wm. Pontus Nov. 13, 1610. Guar. Wm. Brad- 
ford for cit. Mar. 30, 1612. 

114. " Elizabeth (Williams). Sister of Thos. Wife of Rog. 

Mar. Mar. 26, 1616. 

115. Winslow, Elward. M. 

116. " Elizabeth (Barker). M. Wife of Ed. Mar. May 6, 

1618, or soon after. 

117. Wood, Henry. One of purchasers of Robinson's house Jan. 27, 




Others, Undoubtedly of the Company. 

1. Barrow, Zechariah. John Crackstone wit. his bet. June 16, 

1616. Fath. -in-law of Rog. Wilkins. 

2. « Joan (Barrow). 2d wife of Zech. Mar. July 2, 1616. 

3. Buckram, William. Bridget Robinson and Jaue Thickins wit. 

his bet. Nov. 30, 1611. 

4. " Elizabeth (Neal). 2d wife of Wm. Mar. Dec. 17, 


5. Butler, Mary. Bet. to Wm. Bassett Mar. 19, 1611, but died 

before the wedding day. 

6. " Samuel. Sam, Fuller and Wm. Jepson wit. his bet. 

Aug. 7, 1615. 

7. " Sarah (Porter). Wife of Sam. Mar. Aug. 25, 1615. 

8. " William. Wit. bet of Wm. Buckram Nov. 30, 1611. 

9. Butterfield, Stephen. Abr. Gray and Sarah Minter wit. his 

bet. Oct. 13, 1617. 

10. " Rose (Singer). Wife of Steph. Mar. Oct. 30, 1617. 

11. " Hester. Sister of Steph. Old enough to marry 

Sylvanus Arnold July 31, 1632. 

12. Chandler, Edmond. Guar, for cit. Nov. 11, 1613, by Rog. 

Wilson and Hen. Wood. 

13. " Child of Edm. Bur. Mar. 26, 1619. 

14. " Roger. Rog. Wilson and Cath. Carver wit. his bet. 

May 22, 1615. 

15. « Isabella (Chilton). Wife of Rog. Mar. July 21, 


16. Collet, Henry. Guar, for cit. Mar. 30, 1612, by Abr. Gray and 

Rich. Masterson. 

17. " Alice (Thomas, Howarth). 2d wife of Hen. Mar. June 

3, 1617. 

18. Ellis, John. Bro.-in-law of Rich. Masterson. Wit. his bet. Nov. 

8, 1619. 

19. " Christopher. Son of John. Guar, for cit. Dec. 2, 1619, 

by Fred. Jones. 

20. Fairfield, Daniel. Rog. Simmons and Mary Allerton wit. his 

bet. July 14, 1618. 

21. " Rebecca (Willet). Dau. of Thos. Wife of Dan. 

Mar. Aug. 4, 1618. 

22. Finch, Mary. Wit. bet. of Rich. Masterson Nov. 8, 1619. 

23. Gray, Abraham. Guar, for cit. June 25, 1610, by Wm. Lisle 

and Rog. Wilson. 


24. Hallet, Anna. Moth. -in-law of Rog. Wilkins. Wit. his bet. 

Mar. 28, 1614. 

25. Hammond, Dorothy. Wit. bet. of Rob. Peck Oct. 1, 1609. 

26. Harris, Thomas. Wit. bet. of Hen. Collet May 19, 1617. 

27. " Jane. Wife of Thos. Survived him and mar. Jas. 

Milbrook Dec. 4, 1622. 

28. Hawley, Nicholas. Guar. Wm. Lisle for cit. June 21, 1610. 

29. Hurst, Jacob. Wit. bet. of Rob. Peck Oct. 1, 1609. 

30. " Margaret. Wife of Jacob. As they had three children 

in Oct., 1622, by the census, they must have been 
mar. before July, 1620. 

31. Jackson, William. Made affidavit Feb. 26, 1619. Guar, for 

cit. May 26, 1631, by John Keble and Rog. White. 

32. Jennings, John. Ed. South worth and Rog. Wilson wit. his bet. 

Dec. 17, 1610. 

33. " Elizabeth (Pettinger). 1st wife of John. Mar. Dec. 

31, 1610. 

34. " Rose (Lisle). Dau. of Wm. 2d wife of John. Mar. 

Mar. 23, 1617. 

35. Jessop, Edmond. Wm. Jepson and Sam. Fuller wit. his bet. 

Sept. 16, 1615. 

36. " Ellen (Underwood). 1st wife of Edm. Bur. June 15, 


37. " Abigail (Hunt). 2d wife of Edm. Mar. Oct. 3, 1615. 

38. " Child of Edm. Bur. July 24, 1618. 

39. Jones, Elizabeth. Wit. bet. of Sam. Lee June 15, 1618. 

40. " Frederick. Guar. Chris. Ellis for cit. Dec. 2, 1619. 

41. " Mary. Wit. bet. of John Tilley Feb. 13, 1615. 

42. " Thomas. Rob. Robertson and Marg. Savory wit. his bet. 

Nov. 8, 1619. 

43. " Anna (Swift). Wife of Thos. Mar. Nov. 23, 1619. 

44. Keble, John. Guar, for cit. Apr. 27, 1615, by Edm. Chandler 

and Hen. Wood. 

45. " Elizabeth (Acres ?). Wife of John. 

46. " " Their dau. Old enough to marry John Ains- 

worth, Dec. 24, 1636. 

47. Kingsland, James. Bart. Smith, Dorcas Smith and Anna Ross 

wit. his bet. Nov. 27, 1615. 

48. " Ellen (Carlisle). Sister of Anna (Carlisle) Ross and 

sister-in-law of Eliz. Carlisle (wid. of Jas., and mar. 
Bart. Smith after death of his 1st wife, Dorcas). 
Wife of Jas. Mar. Dec. 12, 1615. 

49. Lisle, William. Guar, for cit. June 21, 1610, by Rog. Wilson 

and Nich. Hawley. Fath.-in-law of John Jennings. 




50. Lisle, Mary. Dau. of Wm. Old enough to marry Martin West 

Jan. 24, 1626. 

51. " Catharine. Dau. of Wm. Old enough to marry John 

Masters Sept. 16, 1633. 

52. Lyons, Joanna. Wit. bet. of John Jenny Sept. 5, 1614. 

53. Marshall, Henry. Wit. bet. of Ed. Pickering Nov. 24, 1612. 

54. Minter, William. Guar, for cit. May 3, 1613, by Abr. Gray and 

Rog. Wilson. 

55. « Sarah (Willet). Dau. of Thos. Wife of Wm. 

56. Nash, Israel. Wit. bet. of Sam. Lee June 15, 1618. 

57. Pettinger, Dorothy. Sister of Eliz. (Pettinger) Jennings. Mar. 

Hen. Collins, of Amst., Nov. 20, 1613. 

58. Pontus, William. Wm. Brewster and Rog. Wilson wit. his bet. 

Nov. 13, 1610. 

59. " Wybra (Hanson). Wife of Wm. Mar. Dec. 4, 1610. 

60. Price, Alexander. Guar, for cit. May 18, 1615, by Hen. Wood 

and Rog. Wilson. 

61. " Jane. Wife of Alex. 

62. Ring, William. Guar, for cit. June 7, 1619, by Wm. Bradford 

and Alex. Price. 

63. " Mary. Wit. bet. of Sam. Terry May 16, 1614. Probably 

wife of Wm., and the widow Mary Ring who came 
to Plym. with children about 1 629. 

64. Robertson, Robert. Wit. bet. of Thos. Jones Nov. 8, 1619. 

Guar, for cit. by Hubert Dennis and Sam. Lee May 
20, 1622. 

65. " William. Guar, for cit. Dec. 3, 1610, by Bern. 

Ross and Rog. Wilson. Owned house next to Wm. 
Jepson's in 1614 and 1619. 

66. Robinson, Anna. Wit. bet. of Geo. Morton, July 6, 1612. 

Whether related to John Robinson or not is 

67. Rogers, George. Lived with Thos. Blossom Oct. 27, 1609. 

Student in university. 

68. Ross, Bernard. Guar, for cit. Apr. 2, 1610, by Rog. Wilson. 

69. " Anna. Apparently sister of Ellen (Carlisle) Kingsland? 

sister-in-law of Eliz. Carlisle, and 2d wife of Bern. 
Wit. bets, of Ed. Southworth May 7, 1613; Jas. 
Kingsland Nov. 27, 1615; and Bart. Smith July 
4, 1618. 

70. Savory, Margaret. Wit. bet. of Mos. Fletcher Nov. 30, 1613, 

and Thos. Jones Nov. 8, 1619. 

71. Sharp, Andrew. Guar, for cit. Aug. 24, 1618, by Alex. Price 

and Ro£. Wilson. 


72. Simmons, Roger. John Carver, Dan. Fairfield and Thos. Willet 

wit. his bet. July 14, 1618, to Sarah (Willet) Min- 
ter, Win. Minter, her 1st husb., having died. 

73. Smith, Bartholomew. Wit. bet. of Jas. Kingsland Nov. 27, 


74. " Dorcas. 1st wife of Bart. Wit. bet. of Jas. Kingsland 

Nov. 27, 1615. 

75. " Elizabeth (Carlisle). Wid. of Jas. Sister-in-law of 

Ellen Kingsland and Anna Ross. 2d wife of Bart. 
Bet. to him July 4, 1618. 

76. Spaldiug, Elizabeth. Wit. bets, of Rog. Wilson Mar. 11, 1616, 

and John Spooner Nov. 9, 1616. 

77. Stafford, Henry. Guar, for cit. Nov. 26, 1618, by Sam. Lee. 

78. Talbot, William. Wit. bet. of Rich. Masterson Nov. 8, 1619. 

79. " Sarah (Thomas). Wife of Wm. After his death mar. 

Sam. Lee Apr. 10, 1621. 

80. White, William (another). Wit. bet. of Cuth. Cuthbertson Oct. 

25, 1621. 

81. " Wife of Wm. Bur. Jan. 27, 1618. 

82. Wilkins, Roger. John Keble, Rog. Wilson and Anna Hallet wit. 

his bet. Mar. 28, 1614. 

83. " Anna (Hardy). Dau. of Anna Hallet. 1st wife of Rog. 

Mar. Apr. 12, 1614. Died before Sept. 16, 1619. 

84. " Margaret (Barrow). Dau. of Zech. 2d wife of Rog. 

Mar. Oct. 5, 1619. 

85. Willet, Thomas. Fath. -in-law of Dan. Fairfield, Wm. Minter 

and Rog. Simmons. 

86. " Alice. Wife of Thos. Wit. bet. of Rog. Simmons July 

14, 1618. Died before Oct., 1622. 

87. " — Their child. Bur. July 10, 1615. 

88. " Hester. Their dau. Old enough to marry Peter Wood 

Nov. 4, 1623. 

89. Wilson, Henry. John Carver, Wm. Jepson and Dor. Bradford 

wit. his bet. May 13, 1616. 

90. " Elizabeth (Nicholas). Wife of Hen. Mar. May 28, 1616. 

91. Wood, Mary. Wit. bet. of Edm. Jessop Sept. 16, 1615. Per- 

haps wife of Hen. 


Still Others, Possibly of the Company. 

1. Barrow, Ellen. 1st wife of Zech. He did not remarry until 
July 2, 1616, and she may have accompanied him to 

4. Blossom, Thomas. 

5. " Peter. 


2. Bassett, Cicely (Light). 1st wife of Wm. Died before Mar. 19, 

1611, but may have accompanied him to Leyden. 

3. " Elizabeth. r. 3d wife of Wm. May have mar. him 

before July, 1620. 

Sods of Thos. and Ann, who were mar. 
before Mar. 12, 1610. Both probably 
born before July, 1620. Both came to 
Plym. with their parents. 

6. Brewer, Rebecca. Dau. of Thos. and Marg. May have been 

born before July, 1620. Her two younger bros., 
John and (a second) Daniel hardly can have been. 

7. Buckram, Judith. 1st wife of Wm., who remarried Dec. 17, 

1611. She may have accompanied him to Leyden. 

8. Butterfield, Stephen (another). Bur. Sept. 23, 1635. Very 

likely son of Steph. (who married Oct. 30, 1617) 
and born before 1620. 

9. Carlisle, James. 1st husb. of Eliz., and bro. of Anna Ross and 

Ellen Kingsland. Eliz. did not remarry until July 
or Aug., 1618, and he may have accompanied her 
to Leyden. 

10. Carver, Probably child of John. Bur. July 10, 1609. 

11. " Probably child of John. Bur. Nov. 11, 1617. 

12. Chandler, Samuel. Son of Rog. Prob. born before July, 1620, 

as his parents were married July 21, 1615. 

13. " Sarah. Dau. of Rog. Prob. born before July, 1620. 

Both children reported in census Oct., 1622. 

14. Collet, Anna (Harris). 1st wife of Hen., who did not remarry 

until June 3, 1617. May have accompanied him to 

15. Crackstone, John, Jr. m. Son of John, and presumably in 

Leyden with his father. But not mentioned in 

16. Cuthbertson, Samuel. l. j. a. Son of Cuth., who was mar. 

May 27, 1617. Very likely born before July, 

17. Denby, William. 1st husb. of Sarah (Fletcher), who did not 

remarry until Nov. 30, 1613. May have accom- 
panied her to Leyden. 

18. England, Thomas. m. Cannot be proved to be, but almost 

certainly, the Thos. English of the " Mayflower." 
Wit. bet. of Jacob Mekancke (?), May 31, 1613. 

19. Fairfield, Daniel, Jr. Son of Dan., who was mar. Aug. 4, 1618. 

Very likely born before July, 1620, and had a bro., 
John, also born before Oct., 1622. 


20. Fletcher, Maria (Evans). 1st wife of Mos., who remarried Nov. 

30, 1613. May have accompanied him to Leyden. 

21. Freeman, Joseph. Prob. one of company if, as is most likely, 

Thos. Smith — who, with Anth. Fretwell, guar, 
him for cit. June 13, 1613 — was one. Smith was 
an ex-deacon of the Eng. Church at Amst. who had 
removed to Leyden. 

22. Fretwell, Anthony. With Thos. Smith, guar. Jos. Freeman, 

Juue 13, 1613. Prob. a member if Smith was. 

23. Fuller, Alice (Glascock). 1st wife of Sam. He did not remarry 

until Apr. 24, 1613. May have accompanied him 
to Leyden. 

24. Goodman, Mary (Backus). 1st wife of John, who did not 

remarry until Oct. 10, 1619. 

25. Hardy, Mary. Servant in John Robinson's family in Oct., 1622. 

Very likely there before 1620. 

26. Horsfield, Edward. Lived with Wm. and Ros. (Horsfield) Jep- 

son in Oct., 1622. Prob. her fath. or bro. 

'Children of Is., Sr., reported in Oct., 1622. 
As their parents appear to have been mar. 
before Oct. 1, 1609, all three prob. were 
well grown. 

27. Hurst, Isaac. 

28. " Mary. 

29. " Silvester 


30. Jenny, Sarah, l. J. A. 

31. " Samuel, l. j. a. 

'Children of John and Sarah, who 
were mar. Nov. 1, 1614. Both 
prob. born before July, 1620. Abi- 
gail, the oth. child, prob. was not. 

32. Jepson, Abigail. Dau. of Wm. and Ros. Living in Oct., 1622, 

and prob. born before 1 620. Her parents mar. 
Apr. 28, 1609. She died before 1636. 

33. " Martha. Dau. of Wm. and Ros. Living in Oct., 1622; 

and, by her guardian, sold two houses Jan. 11, 
1636. May have been born before July, 1620. 

34. Jessop, Francis. Prominent among them in 1625. Wrote to 

Bradford and Brewster Nov. 30, 1625, as if he 
had known them well before their departure. 

35. " Frances (White). Wife of Francis. Mar., at Work- 

sop, Eng., Jan. 24, 1605. Believed to have been 
sister of Bridget Robinson and Jane Thickins. 

36. Joy, Robert. Wit. bet. of Jas. Kingsland Nov. 27, 1615. 

37. Keble, Mercy. Dau. of John. Mar. Wm. Back Apr. 30, 1640. 

Very likely born before 1620. 

38. Kendall, Aaron. Husb. of Eliz., Sr. Apparently dead before 

May 12, 1617, but may have accompanied her to 

46. Price, Isaac. 

47. " John. 

48. " Joseph. 


39. Mitchell, Experience. f. Aged 24 in 1623. Very likely 

there before 1620. 

40. " Thomas. Thought to have been fath. of Experience. 

Made affid. in Leyd. Aug. 15, 1622. Possibly 
there before the departure. 

41. Morton, Thomas, Jr. L. J. A. Son of Thomas. Not known 

to have been in Leyden with his father, but prob- 
ably was. 

42. Moses, Simon. Mary Jones wit. his bet. Nov. 4, 1616. 

43. " Anna (van Vredenberg). Wife of Sim. 

44. Nash, Margaret (Porter). 1st wife of Thos., who did not re- 

marry until Nov. 11, 1628. Probably accompanied 
him to Leyden. 

45. Pontus, Mary. Dau. of Wm. and Wybra. Doubtless born 

before 1620, as they married Dec. 4, 1610. 

Sons of Alex., who seems to have been mar- 
ried before May, 1615, and very likely long 
before. They were living in Oct., 1622, 
apparently well grown. 

49. Rogers, Joseph, m. Son of Thos. Not mentioned, but prob. 

with his father in Leyden. 

50. Smith, Thomas. Made deposition about Jos. Freeman June 13, 

1613. An ex-deacon of Eng. Church at Amst. 

'Children of John, who remarried Dec. 24, 
1616. All three were living in Oct. 1 622 ; 
prob. were born before July, 1620; and 
may have been children of his first wife. 

54. Stevens, Jacob. Guar. Bart. Smith for cit. Apr. 5, 1611. 

55. Tilly, Elizabeth, m. Dau., or sister, of John. Not mentioned, 

but prob. with him in Leyden. 

56. Tinker, m. Wife of Thos. Not mentioned, but prob. 

with him in Leyden. 

57. m. Their son. Not mentioned, but prob. there. 

58. Tracy, Stephen, l. j. a. Rose Jennings wit. his bet. Dec. 18, 

1620. Not known to have been there before the 
preceding July, but likely to have been. 

59. " Tryphosa (Lee), l. j. a. Wife of Steph. Mar. Jan. 

2, 1621. Possibly there before July, 1620. 

60. Turner, m. Son of John. Not mentioned, but prob. 


61. " M. Another son of John. Not mentioned, but 

prob. there. 

62. White, Roger. Bro. of Bridget Robinson and Jane Thickins. 

Mar. Eliz. Wales, of Amst., in Leyden, Mar. 13, 

51. Spooner, John, Jr. 

52. " Rebecca. 

53. " Sarah. 


1621. Thenceforth prominent among them. May 
have been there before the departure. 

63. Wilkins, Sarah. Dau. of Rog. Living in Oct., 1622. Prob. 

born before 1620, as her parents married Apr. 12, 

64. Wood, Henry. Probably son of Hen. and possibly born before 

July, 1620. Came to Plym. by 1643. 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis read a paper as follows: 

The Merchants' Notes of 1733. 

I have already published descriptions, more or less detailed, 
of the New London Society for Trade and Commerce and of 
the Land and Silver Banks of 1740. 1 These experiments 
were the most conspicuous among the various attempts 
made in the eighteenth century to furnish New England 
with a paper currency which might serve for a medium 
of trade, based for security upon land or private credit. 
They were, however, mere episodes in a prolonged struggle 
with the currency question, which began in Massachusetts 
with the organization of " The Fund " in 1681, and was 
followed by an attempt in 1686 to organize a company to 
provide a paper substitute for the degraded coin then in cir- 
culation ; which was renewed in 1714, in a project the purpose 
of which was to supplant, in a similar way, the bills of the 
Province by the emissions of what was termed a private bank; 
which was continued in Connecticut in 1732, by the organiza- 
tion of a society upon the plan of the Massachusetts pro- 
jectors of 1714 ; which was participated in by a number of 
Boston merchants in 1733, who, to head off the Rhode Island 
bills then being put forth, issued their own notes redeemable 
at future dates in silver coin at fixed rates ; which was taken 
up in 1734, by certain merchants in Portsmouth, New Hamp- 
shire, who attempted to furnish an interest-bearing currency, 
redeemable in twelve years in silver at the then current 
rates or in passable government bills ; and which culminated 
in 1740 in Massachusetts in the battle between the Land 
Bank and the Silver Bank. 

1 These were incorporated in the text of " Currency and Banking in the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay," together with brief sketches of the 
Merchants' Notes of 1733 and the New Hampshire Merchants' Notes. 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 185 

Among all these efforts by citizens to furnish a paper 
currency, whether on the part of mere inflationists or of 
those who sought to improve the circulating medium, none is 
better entitled to a careful consideration than that which is 
generally known as " the Merchants' Notes of 1733," the 
name given to the notes or bills which were at that time 
furnished to the public for circulation. Some of the capitalists 
who entered into this combination were in 1738 and 1739 to 
be found among those who made a gallant effort to bring the 
Province bills to a specie basis, and many of them in 1740 
registered under the banner of the Silver Bank in opposition 
to the Land Bank, and declared war to the knife against the 
heresies of their adversary. There are indeed two striking 
points of similarity between the scheme of the merchants in 
1733 and that of the Silver Bank ; both demanded of their 
subscribers that they should not receive certain bills, — in the 
one case the recent emissions of the Colony of Rhode Island, 
in the other the bills of the Land Bank, — and both emitted 
notes redeemable at a future day in silver at stated rates. 

It is, perhaps, necessary for an intelligent understanding of 
the situation to explain at this point why the merchants of 
Boston were thus hostile to the circulation of the recent 
emissions of Rhode Island. The cause was, briefly, as follows : 
Orders had been issued by the Privy Council restraining the 
Provinces of Massachusetts and New Hampshire from emit- 
ting more bills until those outstanding should be called in 
and requiring these retirements to be effected by 1741. No 
such restraints had been imposed upon Rhode Island, and 
that Colony, availing itself of the opportunity, proceeded to 
fill the gap in the currency which would be caused by the 
withdrawal of the outstanding bills of Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire. The Rhode Island emissions were made in the 
form of loans to citizens. These loans which ran, some of 
them for twenty-three years and some for twenty years, were 
termed " Banks," and were secured by mortgages of real 
estate. The rate of interest upon the loans was low, and it 
was apparently an object for every owner of real estate in the 
Colony to become a borrower from the government. The 
progressive depreciation of the currency had made it possible 
for borrowers in the banks to pay off their debts in Colony 
bills bearing the same denominational values with those which 



had been borrowed, but whose purchasing power had, during 
the period of the loan, been much curtailed. It was this 
which led Dr. Douglass sneeringly to assert that if the process 
were kept up long enough participants in these Colony loans 
might ultimately pay their debts in bills which were worth 
nothing. The Boston merchants who in 1733 organized for 
the purpose of emitting notes redeemable at future dates in 
silver at a fixed rate, and who sought to prevent these Rhode 
Island bills from circulating in Massachusetts, were in full 
sympathy with this argument. Their distrust comprehended, 
indeed, all new bills whose value was denned merely by the 
phrase " equal to money " and for whose redemption or 
prompt retirement no provision had been made. 

So far we are dealing with such facts as may be obtained 
from the ordinary sources to which we should turn for in- 
formation upon these subjects ; the pages of Hutchinson and 
Douglass ; the few contemporary pamphlets which refer to 
the matter ; 1 the speeches of the Governor, and the reports of 
Committees in the Assembly to whom were referred applica- 
tions for legislation bearing upon questions in which the com- 
pany was interested. The files in our local libraries of the 
"News Letter" and the "Boston Gazette," the papers to 
which we should naturally look for information, are almost 
absolutely destitute of copies published during the j T ears 1733 
and 1734. There is, however, in the Library of the American 
Antiquarian Society a set of the " Weekly Rehearsal " cover- 
ing these years, and the Massachusetts Historical Society has 
the " New England Weekly Journal " for the same period. 
An examination of these papers reveals the fact that they 
contain many communications from people who were im- 
pelled to discuss the monetary questions then at issue, and 
many allusions to the company in the columns devoted to 
news items and advertisements, such as notices of meetings ; 
lists of subscribers to agreements; the scheme with the 
names of the merchants who joined it ; the names of the 
directors who managed the affairs ; in short, all the informa- 

1 " Some Observations on the Scheme projected for emitting 60,000£ in 
Bills," etc., and "The Melancholy State of the Province considered in a Letter," 
etc. Some reference might also be permitted in this paragraph to the Notes of 
the Company in possession of this Society and the Obligations running to the 
Company in possession of the Bostonian Society. 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 187 

tion which we might expect or even hope to find in any such 

The collecting of local news, or the discussion of local 
affairs, was not a prominent feature in the Boston newspaper 
of that date, and the extent to which the columns of the 
"Rehearsal" and the "Journal" were surrendered to the 
disputants bears evidence to the interest taken in the dis- 
cussion. References in these papers to communications in 
the "News Letter" and in the " Gazette " show that they 
also surrendered space to the disputants. If, from the polem- 
ical articles that have been preserved, from the news-items, 
and from the advertisements, we extract such facts as they 
contain bearing upon this experiment, and to these we add 
what was known before, we shall find that we have at our 
command a fairly complete account of the affair. 

Our first information concerning the movements of the 
capitalists who organized this company is derived from a 
notice in the " Weekly Rehearsal " of August 13, 1733, to the 
effect that on Friday the 10th of that month, the principal 
merchants and traders of Boston met at the Town-House, and 
after much discussion concerning a further supply of a paper 
currency resolved 

That, inasmuch as they were informed that the government of Rhode 
Island are about to make another large emission of Bills, there should 
be some scheme projected for the supply of a further Paper Currency 
among themselves, upon such terms as may best establish its value, and 
prevent the currency of the Rhode Island Bills aforesaid. 1 

A committee was appointed for that purpose, and the meet- 
ing was adjourned to assemble again on Monday the 13th, at 
three o'clock in the afternoon. 

This interval was long enough to shape a scheme, but in 
whatever form the report of the committee might be sub- 
mitted it would, of course, be subject to approval ; would be 
likely to meet with amendment, and consequently, although 
a completed scheme might meet with adoption at the ad- 
journed meeting, it would not be possible to present at that 
time an engrossed copy embodying the final conclusions of 
those present. We have no record of the proceedings of the 

1 An account of this meeting appeared as an advertisement in the "New 
England Weekly Journal" of the same date. 


meeting on the 13th, but we have evidence that there was 
at that time an agreement as to what was to be done, and 
that, pending the engrossment of the scheme then adopted, 
subscriptions were solicited to a document embodying the 
decision of the meeting. 

The intensity of the excitement and the bitterness of 
the opposition to the Rhode Island bills are betrayed by the 
alacrity with which the capitalists of Boston hastened to 
identify themselves with this movement. Three days after 
the adjourned meeting, the "News Letter" 1 was able to 
announce that the enthusiasm of those who were uniting to 
oppose the circulation of the Rhode Island bills was on the 
increase, and to add that — 

The Bank which had its rise from this strange emission of Bills, in- 
tended there, makes unexpected Progress ; there is already a subscrip- 
tion of Ninety seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, altho' there has 
been hardly time to digest and draw the Scheme fair. Men of 
every Order seem very much determined to unite in encouraging this 
Bank, and to put a stop to the Bills intended by the Rhode Island 

A week later the same paper announced the close of the sub- 
scription list in the following words: — 

The Scheme for erecting a private Bank, and raising a supply of 
Bills among us, redeemable by Silver and Gold is finished; and we 
hear Instruments of Security are now drawing and Preparations making 
for the speedy Emission of the said Bills. 

While it is true that one of the principal motives which 
prompted the founders of this company was, as the " News 
Letter " phrased it, " to put a stop to the Bills intended by 
the Rhode Island Government," there can be but little doubt 
that as the movement progressed and the subscription list 
filled up, some were attracted by those features in the trans- 
action which led the " News Letter" to call it a "private 
bank," and it is not unlikely that the " considerable debates " 
at the meeting of August 13, were occasioned by opposition 
to the proposal to make the notes redeemable in coin. Hos- 
tility to the Rhode Island bills had brought together men of 
widely divergent views as to the proper remedy to be applied. 

l Boston Weekly News Letter, August 16, 1733. 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 189 

Doubtless some of the pure inflationists who were thus in- 
duced to join a movement directed by leaders who sought 
stability for the currency through a provision for redemption 
in coin at a stated rate, were led to this action through a 
belief that success must follow such a prompt and enthusias- 
tic endorsement, and profits must ensue to those who should 
furnish a paper currency to the public. 

The committee having in charge the preparation of the 
scheme were about a month in bringing their work to an end, 
but having reached a conclusion to their labors they sum- 
moned the subscribers to meet for the purpose of definite 
organization on the 14th of September. The action then 
taken was made public in the " Boston Press " in the follow- 
ing words : 1 — 

Last Friday there was a very full meeting of the Company that have 
subscribed to the Bank of One Hundred and Ten Thousand Pounds at 
the Town-House here, when they made choice of the following Gentle- 
men for their Committee of Directors, viz : 

Edward Hutchinson, Esq ; Samuel Welles, Esq ; 

John Osborne, Esq; Samuel Sewall, Esq; 

Jacob Wendell, Esq ; Mr. Thomas Cushing, jun ; 

James Bowdoin, Esq ; Mr. Joshua Winslow, 

William Foye, Esq ; Mr. Edw. Bromfield, jun. 

This Sum of One Hundred and Ten Thousand Pounds in Bills or 
Notes of Hand, is to he redeem'd by Silver at Nineteen Shillings per 
Ounce, or Gold at Thirteen Pounds thirteen Shillings and one Penny- 
half Penny per Ounce; to be paid to the Possessors of the Bills, three 
Tenths at the end of the first three Years, three Sevenths at the end of 
the first Six Years, and the rest at the end of ten Years. The Plate is 
in good forwardness for 'striking off these Bills and they will be 
delivered to the Subscribers in a few weeks. 

There is a clerical error in the copy used as above by the 
newspapers which requires correction. The notes were 
redeemable three-tenths in three years, three-tenths in six 
years, and four-tenths in ten years. In some of the con- 
temporary accounts they are described as redeemable three- 
tenths at the end of three years, three-sevenths of the 
remainder at the end of six years, and the rest at the end of ten 
years. The words "of the remainder" which should follow 
"three sevenths" were dropped by the clerk who prepared 

1 Weekly Journal, September 17, 1733; News Letter, September 20, 1733. 


the copy for the press and the notice of the meeting published 
in the "Weekly Rehearsal" and the "News Letter" was, 
therefore, misleading in its description of the notes. 

On the 12th of November the company published simulta- 
neously, in the " Weekly Rehearsal " and the " New England 
Weekly Journal," the following agreement to which signatures 
had been obtained : — 

Boston Nov. 3, 1733. 

Whereas the Government of Rhode Island are emitting the Sum of 
One Hundred and four Thousand Pounds in Bills of Credit, bearing 
Date 1733, without taking the proper and necessary care to support 
their Value, as we apprehend, whereby the Bills of Publick Credit on 
this Province will be in danger of being greatly depreciated, as well as 
the Province otherwise very much prejudiced, should the said Rhode- 
Island Bills obtain a Currency; and inasmuch as it is projected by a 
considerable Number of Merchants, to give out sundry Notes of Hand 
to the amount of One Hundred and Ten Thousand Pounds, to be paid 
at several Periods in Silver at Nineteen Shillings per Ounce or Gold 
proportionately, whereby there will be a considerable supply of a more 
stable Medium of Trade and Commerce ; Therefore we whose Names 
are hereunto subscribed publickly declare and promise that we will not 
receive or take any of the said Rhode-Island New Bills in Payment of 
any Debt already due, or by way of Barter or Exchange for any Goods, 
Merchandise, or other Thing whatsoever. In witness whereof we have 
hereunto set our Hands. 

One hundred names are appended to this agreement in the 
" Weekly Rehearsal," one hundred and one in the " Weekly 
Journal." Assuming that the John Armitage in the " Rehear- 
sal " was meant for Jonathan Armitage, a well-known Boston 
man whose name is correctly given in the " Journal," we 
have ninety-nine names common in the two lists, and one 
hundred and two in all. It is evident that the company 
desired on this agreement the signatures of others than sub- 
scribers to their scheme, and an examination of the names 
will show that about thirty per cent cannot be identified in 
any way with the scheme itself. Six of the directors named 
at the organization of the company afterward became directors 
of the Silver Bank, and the names of four others who were 
associated in the management of the Silver Bank are to be 
found among the subscribers to this agreement. The Hutch- 
insons are represented by Edward alone. John Colman and 
Samuel Adams, both to become in a few years directors of 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 191 

the Land Bank, by placing their names to the agreement, 
deprived the hard-money men of the right to claim a monopoly 
for this movement to exclude Rhode Island bills. On the 
other hand, of the twenty-two Boston names to be found on 
the one or the other of the subscription lists to the proposed 
loans by the Province of bills redeemable in coin, in the years 
1738 and 1739, nine can be seen on this agreement. The 
names of thirty-two of the signers in 1740 to the agreement 
not to receive the Land Bank bills are to be found on the 
agreement not to receive the Rhode Island bills. 

The public discussion of the Rhode Island emission and the 
excitement naturally aroused by the proceedings of the Boston 
merchants, would in itself have been cause enough for the 
Assembly to inquire whether legislation could cure the evils 
of which complaint was made. It is not surprising to learn, 
therefore, that on the 17th of October a committee of both 
houses was appointed 

to make enquiry into the state of the late emissions of Bills of Credit 
made by the Colony of Rhode- Island, as also into the nature of the Bills 
or Notes of Credit projected to be made and emitted by a number of 
Merchants and Traders of the Town of Boston. 

This committee reported on the 5th of November 

That the Notes projected by a number of Merchants &c will not have 
a sufficient security in them, to the Possessors, unless the signers of 
them be jointly and severally bound, and that Mr. Richard Clarke be 
better described, and that better provision be made for him that may 
be necessitated to bring an action in case of failure or defect at any of 
the Period of payments. 

The committee further recommended the Governor to issue a 
proclamation warning the inhabitants of the Province of the 
mischiefs and losses they would suffer if they permitted the 
Rhode Island bills to obtain a currency among them. This 
report was accepted and a committee was appointed on the 
seventh to prepare a bill to prevent the Rhode Island bills 
(of the new emission) passing within this province. 

On the same day, the 7th of November, the Governor 
replied saying that it could not reasonably be expected that 
he should issue such a proclamation, which would have a 
tendency to encourage the emission of the private bills of 
credit before the nature of the scheme had been laid before 


the court. Any such emission he contended would be a 
breach of His Majesty's Royal Orders, forbidding him to 
consent to an emission of over thirty thousand pounds. 
Further, it would be an extraordinary thing for any number of 
persons to issue such notes before they had obtained leave 
from the government. 

While we have the Governor's word for it that the scheme 
had not been submitted to the court, still it is plain from the 
criticisms that the form of the proposed note was in the hands 
of the committee, and that it lacked the words which would 
make the signers jointly and severally liable, as well as the 
descriptive words showing that Richard Clarke, the payee 
and endorser of the notes, was a merchant residing in 

The facts relating to the action of the legislative committees 
and a copy of the Governor's proclamation were printed in 
the "Weekly Rehearsal" of November 19, and to these the 
editor added : — 

We are assured that the Merchants and others that have undertook 
these Notes of Hand have conformed them to the Report of the Com- 
mittee of the General Court accepted by both Houses, and they will 
begin to be delivered to the subscribers on the first of December next. 

It is asserted in one of the newspaper attacks upon the 
company that the scheme was at first held back from the 
public. This seems entirely probable. The company had no 
capital. The subscribers were merely borrowers of the notes, 
and these derived no part of their security from the scheme 
itself. They rested upon the solvency and standing of the 
signers, and made no claim for public confidence beyond what 
was to be derived from the names attached to them. There 
was, therefore, no pressing need of furnishing the public with 
the particulars of an agreement which concerned only those 
who had signed it. Nevertheless, the demand for knowledge 
concerning the nature of this document brought about its 
publication in the " Weekly Journal" on the 24th of January, 

The preamble to the scheme is brief, and merely asserts 
three things : 1st, That there is need for a stable and suf- 
ficient medium of exchange ; 2nd, that there is neither silver 
nor gold in circulation, and that the Province bills of credit 

190;].] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 103 

are being drawn in and reduced in amount; 3rd, that Rhode 
Island is about to emit a large amount in bills of credit having 
no adequate protection which would cause the circulation in 
New England of the bills of that Colony to be greatly in 
excess of its proper proportion. 

Asa remedy for this state of affairs, the subscribers entered 
into an agreement which was set forth in fourteen sections, 
the first of which provided for the emission of £110,000 in 
bills or notes of hand. £105,000 were to be in £10, £6, £3, 
and 20s. bills, and £5000 in small currency of the denomina- 
tions of 10s., 6s., 2s. 6c?., and lSd. These were to be redeemed 
by certain subscribers or borrowers, with coined silver of ster- 
ling alloy, at nineteen shillings per ounce ; or coined gold, at 
thirteen pounds, thirteen shillings, one penny, half-penny per 
ounce, both Troy weight. 

The second clause recited the names of the gentlemen who 
were appointed to take charge of the company. As these 
have been already given, it is unnecessary to repeat them 
here. They were to manage the affairs of the subscribers to 
the scheme, were to sign the bills, and were to " be obliged to 
the possessors of them." On the other hand, on account of 
the obligation thus assumed, they were to " receive security 
from the subscribers or borrowers." 

In the third section, the plan was developed through which 
the committee was to be put in position to redeem the bills 
with gold and silver. Borrowers were to be obliged to pay 
their loans in ten equal, annual instalments in gold or silver. 1 
Interest was to be charged at the rate of six per cent per 
annum, but if the borrower should prefer to make his annual 
remittance one month in advance of the date when the instal- 
ment would become due and should accompany it with ten 
per cent of the instalment additional, this would be accepted 
in lieu of the six per cent on the loan. This was, of course, a 
great inducement, since it would reduce the total interest to 
be paid upon the loans more than two-thirds. The silver and 
gold thus paid to the committee was to remain in their hands 
for the redemption of the bills, at the periods and in the 
proportions which have already been indicated. 

1 Hutchinson, writing from memory, states in his History that the notes were 
redeemable one-tenth part annually. Here we have a suggestion of what caused 
this error of memory. 



The proportionate redemption of the bills required that 
they should all be called in at the end of three years, and 
again at the end of six years, and new bills issued on each of 
these occasions, for the unredeemed fraction. This was pro- 
vided for in the fourth section. 

In the fifth, rules were laid down as to the character of the 
security to be required from borrowers, while by the terms of 
the sixth, ever}' subscriber agreed to do his part towards in- 
demnifying the committee for such losses as they might incur 
through managing the affairs of the company. 

In the seventh and eighth sections certain rules were laid 
down governing the organization and internal affairs of the 
company. No person could be a director who subscribed less 
than <£1000. No subscription could be received for less than 
<£500, nor for more than £10,000. For every £500 sub- 
scribed there was one vote, but in no case could one person 
acquire the right to cast more than twenty votes. 

The ninth section contains the agreement not to receive the 
new Rhode Island bills, the stoppage of which from circula- 
tion in Massachusetts was the fundamental purpose of the 
company. This section closed in the following words : — 

Therefore we Agree and Promise, that We will not Accept of the 
said Bills, in Payment for any Debt now Due, or hereafter to be Con- 
tracted, nor in Exchange for any Goods, Merchandize or other 

It was provided in the tenth section that additional security 
from borrowers might be called for at any time, if necessary, 
while in the eleventh an attempt was made for the protection 
of borrowers from harm in case there should be difficulty in 
obtaining the silver or gold with which to meet their instal- 
ments by providing for the use of silver plate of sterling alloy, 
either as a temporary pledge or an actual payment. This 
section brings clearly before us the fact that some of the 
subscribers realized that in order to make their contracts 
good they might be compelled to sacrifice their family plate. 
Doubtless, they expected to be able to secure coin or bullion, 
but the possibility that the market might not favor this was 
contemplated by those who caused the insertion of this clause. 
Surely, some of them were very much in earnest. 

By the terms of the twelfth section, the company, if it was 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 195 

for their interest, could choose a new committee at the close 
of the third, and again at the close of the sixth years. This 
section was subjected to criticism by the opponents of the 
scheme, who claimed that this possibility of change affected 
the value of the notes. It will be seen that this objection is 
well founded, if we turn to the fourth section of the scheme, 
where provision is made for the proportionate redemption of 
the notes. The possessor of each note could not escape an 
interest in its future. Whoever held it at the time of the 
redemption would be obliged to take the note for the unre- 
deemed fraction which the company should tender him. If 
at the time of the payment of the three-tenths instalment, a 
note covering the unredeemed seven-tenths, of inferior quality 
to the original obligation, could be substituted, to that extent 
injury would be worked upon the possessor. This objection 
on the part of the opponents of the scheme was all the more 
forcible because they were careful to avoid throwing discredit 
upon the character of the men who composed the company. 

" I hope nothing I have said," wrote one of them, " will be construed 
as an imputation on the personal character or credit of the undertakers, 
which I allow in the general to be unspotted and clear." 

The amount of notes to be issued was stated in the first 
section to be ^£110,000. No suggestion has appeared in the 
scheme, up to this point, that any of them were to be reserved 
for the company's use, but in the thirteenth section it is pro- 
vided that such portion of " the £ 10,000 not taken out by 
subscribers " as is not required for company charges, may be 
let out at interest for the benefit of the company. The 
committee had, therefore, at their command for organization 
expenses, a sum not to exceed <£10,000. 

By the fourteenth and last section it was provided that 
there should be an annual meeting on the first Monday in 
January of each year, at the Town House in Boston. Pro- 
vision was also made for calling special meetings. 

Then followed the clause in which the character of the 
obligation taken by the subscribers was specially defined. It 
was in the following words : — 

And as a Testimony of our Consent, and Promise to observe the 
aforewritten Agreement, We hereunto Subscribe our Names, and 


promise to take out and borrow the Sums we have set against them 
respectively, on the aforesaid Terms and Conditions. 

Thus it will be seen that all the subscribers were borrowers, 
and recurring to the eighth section of the scheme, that the 
voice of each subscriber was entitled to be heard in the man- 
agement of the affairs of the company in proportion to the 
extent of his borrowing, under the conditions there laid 

Ninety-one names were appended to tin's agreement, as 
published in the " Weekly Journal," but the amounts indi- 
vidually subscribed were withheld from publication. The 
names of seventy-four of these subscribers are also to be 
found in the list, already referred to, of those who agreed not 
to receive the Rhode Island bills. No significance can be 
attached to the absence of the remaining seventeen names 
from that agreement, since the scheme itself incorporated one 
of a similar nature. The same could not be said if the test 
were applied to the other agreement. The twenty-eight who 
signed that and did not join in the plan to emit notes, might 
well have said that while they fully sympathized with the 
proposition to check the circulation of the Rhode Island bills, 
they doubted the utility and feared the consequences of the 
proposed action of the merchants. 

Attention has been called to the fact that in the scheme 
itself there was no form given for the note proposed to be 
issued. There are two of these notes in the collection of this 
Society. They are both dated November 30, 1733. Both are 
drawn payable to the order of Richard Clarke, of Boston, 
Merchant, and both are endorsed by him. They are alike in 
phraseology except for the changes incident to their different 
denominational values, and each consists in the joint and sev- 
eral promise of five signers to pay the amount of the note 
(according to the terms of the scheme) in three future pay- 
ments. An examination of the signatures to these notes will 
show that we have upon the two the names of the ten directors, 
one bearing the signatures of Edward Hutchinson, James 
Bowdoin, William Foye, Hugh Hall, and Edward Brom- 
field, Junr., and the other the names of John Osborne, Jacob 
Wendell, Samuel Welles, Samuel Sewall, and Joshua Winslow. 
Bearing in mind that it must have been a fundamental 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 197 

proposition with the directors that each and every note was 
entitled to an equal share of the elements which would tend 
to promote its circulation, it is plain that we have here a 
grouping of the directors in two sections, made in such a way 
as to secure equality of public confidence both on the score of 
capital and of character. 

Recurring to the suggestions of the committee of the 
General Court as to the needs of the notes, it will be seen 
that the statement of the "Weekly Rehearsal" that the 
merchants had " conformed them to the report of the Com- 
mittee " was correct. Clarke's residence is given and he is 
described as a merchant, while the signers not only promise to 
pay but they also do it jointly and severally, thus permitting 
the possessor to sue them individually or collectively, as he 
might please, in case of a right of action accruing to him. 

The main purpose of the company was to check the cir- 
culation of the Rhode Island notes. The means by which 
they sought to accomplish this were twofold : 1st, the agree- 
ment not to receive them ; and 2nd, by furnishing a substitute 
to circulate in their place. This attempt to cure the evils of 
a circulation that was obviously redundant by supplanting 
the Rhode Island bills with a larger amount of a private 
emission seems somewhat paradoxical, even if we grant that 
the substitute was of a superior quality; but if we revert to 
the cause for the Rhode Island emission, we shall see why 
this method suggested itself. 

Belcher had received positive and repeated orders not to 
emit more bills of public credit than were necessary to meet 
ordinary current expenses, and to see that by 1741 all the out- 
standing bills should be called in. After that date it was 
thought that ,£30,000 would be enough to meet the annual 
expenses of government. These could be annually emitted, 
and it was apparently expected that provision should be 
simultaneously made for their being called in by taxation the 
next year. Thus by emitting this sum each year and im- 
mediately calling back the same amount through taxes to be 
paid the next year, it was expected that the province would 
be furnished with an adequate circulating medium. With 
silver at 19s. this sum represented only a little over £8000 
sterling. The Boston merchants realized that even with 
Province bills at par the amount was inadequate for the 


purpose. The disposition of the public to accept the Rhode 
Island bills was based upon an obvious need. If the com- 
bination could actually exclude these bills from circulation in 
Boston, and the ordered retirements should be effected, there 
would be a great scarcity of the circulating medium. It 
might be argued that silver and gold would ultimately fill this 
gap, but such a result could be achieved only through great 
hardships, and the scheme contemplated as a substitute for 
the disappearing Province bills, a currency which should be 
replaced by coin at stated intervals in the near future, far 
enough along, however, to relieve those responsible for the 
notes, from fear as to their power to carry out their contract. 
Doubtless, also, there were many who were inwardly satisfied 
that if the notes became well established there would be no 
necessity for their redemption at the designated periods, but 
like the Province bills they could from time to time be re- 
newed. Those who opposed the bills argued that even if the 
redemptions of the Merchants' Notes should be effected 
according to their terms, the silver would not stay in the 
Province. We receive coin from time to time, they said, but 
it does not stay here. The strength of this argument will be 
re-enforced if we convert the Merchants' Notes into sterling. 
The silver required for the first redemption was less than 
£8000 sterling, a sum so insignificant that it could have been 
handled in trade by some of the individual subscribers for the 

This element of weakness in the scheme was not, however, 
the one which most threatened its success. The number of 
signers to the agreements not to receive the notes was limited, 
and however influential the subscribers might be in trade, 
there was the great mass of the people among whom the Rhode 
Island bills were sure to find a currency. The extreme prob- 
ability that the necessities of trade would lead to defection 
on the part of subscribers was so apparent that rumors to 
the effect that such defections were taking place became 
current at once. Moreover, since the agreement covered only 
the Rhode Island bills of the recent issue, it was easy to get 
rid of such bills by merely rendering the date of the }"ear 
indistinct. Unless these rumors could be stopped and unless 
such simple means of securing the circulation of bills of the 
recent emission could be prevented, the plans of the merchants 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 199 

would be checkmated even before their notes had secured a 
currency. To offset, therefore, the rumors and to prevent 
the alteration or defacement of the dates on the bills, the 
following advertisement was published in the " Weekly 
Rehearsal" of Monday, December 31, 1733: — 

It is by many tho't very needful that Publick Notice should he given 
of sundry indirect Practices used to put off and procure a Currency for 
the New Rhode- Island Bills, Dated 1733. One method has been, to 
declare that Mr. Bowdoin, and other Subscribers to the scheme for 
bringing in Silver and Gold, take these Bills, and lhat there are few that 
refuse them in Boston, whereas upon careful Enquiries, not so much as 
one of the Subscribers can be found, but what refuse them, and have 
ordered their Families to take none of them, nor can we find any other 
Person that will take them, only as they have a prospect of crowding 
them off, and getting rid of them immediately: This is certain, one of 
the most considerable Advocates for them, when he was moved to Sell 
some of his Goods, to be paid in these New Rhode-Island Bills five or 
six Months hence, refused it, when he would readily have given Credit 
to have been paid in other Bills ; alledging, that he could not tell how 
it would be with these Bills at that time : People should therefore be 
cautious lest these Bills should become a dead loss in their hands. 
Others have eras'd the Date 1733. and dirted and pasted the Bills, that 
it may seem to be of some former Emission, and in some Bills the last 
3 in 1733 is cut off and so it appears but as 173. It is very needful 
therefore that Persons should be careful that they be not imposed upon 
with them. 

The ease with which the merchants of Boston floated 
£110,000 of their own notes appears to have suggested to 
merchants elsewhere the possibility of operations upon similar 
lines. The " News Letter" of January 10, 1734, contains the 
following : — 

We hear from Rhode Island that the Merchants there are entring 
into a Society to Issue out their Notes on Land Security Redeemable 
in Silver at 18s. per Ounce. 

While it is extremely probable that there was foundation for 
this rumor, we have no evidence that the promoters were 
successful. The chances for success were not great in a 
population, small in numbers, fully committed to the policy 
of unlimited governmental emissions over which there was no 
restraint possible to the Privy Council. 


To the North, the example of the Boston merchants pro- 
duced its imitators. The "News Letter" of September 12 
announced this fact in the following words : — 

We are certaiuly inform'd from New Hampshire, that a number of 
Gentlemen of that Province have agreed and concluded to emit Bills 
or Notes of Hand, to the sum of 25,000£ redeemable by Bills of Credit 
according to the common currancy, as also by Flax and Hemp. 

In this case we know that the company was organized and 
actually emitted notes, although upon a slightly different 
foundation from that suggested by the above paragraph. 

There were so many elements inside and outside of the 
scheme of the merchants in 1733, opposed to its success, that 
we cannot waste much regret that the experiment was brought 
to an untimely end. Governor Hutchinson was then twenty- 
two years old, and as subsequent events showed, both he and 
his father stood ready to join in any movement towards a 
resumption of specie payments which should command their 
confidence. The absence of their names from the subscription 
lists and agreements in connection with this attempt is 
significant and betrays their estimate of its value. 

The relations of the different branches of the government to 
the Merchants' Notes were peculiar. We have seen that in 
November, 1733, the Assembly favored the notes, but the 
Governor refused to comply with their request to issue the 
proclamation proposed by them or in any other way to recog- 
nize the emissions of a private company. The Governor's 
opposition was not palliated nor in any way diminished with 
the progress of events. 

In his speech, November 22, 1734, he charged the mer- 
chants who had issued these notes with being contributory to 
the depreciation of the Province bills coincident with their 
emission, and urged upon the Assembly the necessity of in- 
quiring into " the nature and circumstances of this extraordi- 
nary affair." May 30, 1735, he said, u I hope this Assembly 
will not rise before they have passed a law in the most 
effectual manner to save this people from the oppression daily 
springing from what are called the Merchants' Notes." 

The Council, on the other hand, would appear to have 
favored the notes from the start, and so far as we can trace 
the opinions of that body, to have done what was possible to 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 201 

protect the Boston merchants from the eccentricities to which 
remedial and sympathetic legislation was prone in those days. 
The subject was taken up in the Council, October 17, 1733, 
and it was through the acceptance of the report of the com- 
mittee of both houses then appointed, that the changes in the 
form of the notes were secured, the adoption of which by the 
company placed the enterprise practically under the approval 
of the Board and the House. By July, 1734, the House had 
begun to waver in its support of the notes. Silver had risen, 
and borrowers who had subscribed with a view to reap a 
profit, began to realize what the fixed rate of silver meant. 
The House attributed the rise of silver to the Merchants' 
Notes, and asserted that they had greatly affected the bills of 
public credit. For these reasons it was proposed to have the 
matter investigated by a committee of both houses. The 
Council refused to co-operate in this investigation. 

So much of Belcher's speech of November 22 as related 
to the Merchants' Notes was referred to a special committee 
in the House on the 21st of December, and the matter was 
under debate in that body January 1, 1735. It was con- 
sidered by the Representatives several times in the month of 
April, and was finally disposed of at that time by reference to 
the next session. 

The attack on the notes in the Governor's speech of May 
30, 1735, was the subject of reference to a committee ap- 
pointed the next day by the House. On the 3d of June 
this committee was instructed to put bills of neighboring 
governments on the same plane with bills of this Province, in 
a bill then under consideration, which apparently provided 
that contracts conditioned for payment in Merchants' Notes 
could be discharged with Province bills. June 4, another 
committee was appointed, and on the 5th the Representa- 
tives embodied their opinion in a formal vote. The notes 
emitted by the merchants without permission from the gov- 
ernment were declared to be without justification. They had 
raised the price of silver, and the future practice of the scheme 
would be injurious to the government as well as to the people. 
It was the duty, therefore, of the Court to 

seasonably take all necessary and reasonable precautions that those 
who have contracted debts to be discharged by those Notes, or in Silver 
or Gold Coin, be not injured, that upon their tendering Bills of Credit, 

26 - 


on this Province or on any of the neighboring governments, in satisfac- 
tion and payment of their full debt, that is to say, a twenty shilling bill 
of credit on this province, or on any of the neighboring governments, 
for a Note of hand of twenty shillings, and so pro-rata, Execution shall 
not be extended on their Estates or persons, and that there ought to be 
a stop put to further proceedings of the subscribers on their Articles or 
Proposals in said Scheme. Also that the Society be obliged to exchange 
their Notes of Hand, and give the Possessors thereof a twenty shilling 
Bill of Credit on this Province, for every twenty shilling Note of theirs, 
and so for every a great or lesser Note of theirs ; that they begin to ex- 
change on the first of November, next, and continue so to do, till the 
first of December thence next following, that they give timely notice 
where in Boston, aud by whom of their members the exchange is to be 
made ; that no Note of Hand so exchanged shall pass out again, but the 
whole consumed to ashes in the presence of a Committee of this Court 
to be appointed for that purpose. 

It was " Voted therefore that a Bill be prepared accordingly 
and likewise to prevent any future attempts of issuing out 
Notes in lieu of Money on such foundations," and in this 
form the whole matter was sent up to the Council. 

This proposition met with amendments in the Board and 
was under discussion on the 13th of June when a conference 
was held, and again on the 17th of June, when there was a 
final rupture, which resulted in the appointment of a new 
committee by the House, which committee reported on the 
2d of July asking for more time. 

The point on which the Board and House could not agree 
was apparently this : The proposition sent up by the House re- 
quired the merchants to receive in payment of contracts paya- 
ble in their notes, the bills of the Province, or of any of the 
neighboring governments, while the clause which referred to 
the redemption of their notes required them to redeem in 
Massachusetts bills alone. The effect of that would have 
been to compel the merchants to receive the Rhode Island 
bills, to prevent the circulation of which they had organized, 
while they would not have been permitted to use them in 
their redemptions. The Council were not prepared to exer- 
cise such cruelty as that, and sought by their amendments to 
avoid so unjust a proceeding. 

It appears from the following advertisement which was 
published in the i( News Letter " March 6, 1735, that at this 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 203 

time there must have been a discrimination against the Rhode 
Island bills in Boston : — 

A Person of this Town is witting to Change Merchants' Notes or 
Province Bills, for Rhode-Island Bills, even of the last Emission, for a 
reasonable Allowance. If any one is willing to make such an Exchange 
they may inquire of the Printer hereof and know fur titer. 

In January, 1736, the Council matured a bill which was 
sent down to the House, but was cavalierly referred to the 
next Court. The subject would appear to have been finally 
shelved in March, 1736, by the refusal of the House to give the 
" Act to prevent Oppression by the Notes called Merchants' 
Notes" a third reading. 

In his History, Hutchinson, after describing the Merchants' 
Notes, writes their epitaph in the following words : — 

About the same time the Massachusetts treasury, which had been 
long shut, was opened, and the debts of two or three years were all paid 
at one time in bills of credit; to this was added the ordinary emission 
of bills from New Hampshire and Connecticut ; and some of the Boston 
Merchants, tempted by an opportunity of selling their English goods, 
having broke through their engagements and received the Rhode Island 
bills, all the rest soon followed their example. 

All these emissions made a flood of money. Silver rose from 19/ to 
27/ the oz. and exchange with all other countries consequently rose 
also, and every creditor was defrauded of about one third of his just 
dues. As soon as silver rose to 27/, the notes issued by the Merchants 
at 19/ were hoarded up and no longer answered the purposes of money. 

We can, undoubtedly, accept Hutchinson's theory as to the 
cause of the disappearance of the Merchants' Notes, and 
through his fixing the silver rate which determined their fate, 
we can approximately ascertain the date of the limit of their 
circulation. Silver, according to some of the tables of depre- 
ciation, did not reach 27s. until 1738, but according to others, 
that point was reached in the fall or early winter of 1737. 

The perusal of the story of this company leaves upon the 
mind an impression that the fixed rate of silver in the notes, 
to which was due their sudden withdrawal from circulation, 
was an element of hazard, and it is difficult to conceive how 
the collapse of the project should have failed to work a hard- 
ship on the subscribers. We have one test that we can apply 
to aid us in determining if this was so. In 1740 the Silver 


Bank was organized, and an appeal for subscriptions was made 
to the same class of citizens that had subscribed for the Mer- 
chants' Notes. While there were certain points of resem- 
blance between the two schemes, there were also radical 
differences, suggested probably to the promoters of the Silver 
Bank by the experiences connected with the first company. 
The hazard of a stated rate in the note remained, however, 
in the second experiment, and if the merchants had suffered 
severely from it in 1733, they would not have lent their names 
to an agreement weighed down with the same danger. If we 
examine the lists of subscribers to the two schemes, we shall 
find that nearly thirty per cent of the merchants who formed 
the company which emitted the Merchants' Notes in 1733, 
were subscribers to the Silver Bank in 1740. It is a fair 
inference that they did not suffer much in 1733 by the 
unexpected closure of their company. 


The Scheme. 

(The New England Weekly Journal, January 21, 1734.) 

Several Gentlemen having express'd their desire to see the 
SCHEME or Articles upon which the Merchants and Others have 
Acted, who are now giving out their Notes of Hand] the Publisher of 
this Paper having obtained a Copy thereof, now presents them with it. 

"WHEREAS by daily Experience, the Trade and Business of this 
Province is found to Labour under great Inconveniencies, thro' the want 
of a Stable, and Sufficient Medium of Exchange, The Silver and Gold 
which formerly passed in common Payments, having been exported to 
Great Britain, in Return for the Manufactures we need, and receive from 
that our Mother Country ; And the Pills of Credit on this Province being 
grown already Scarce, and daily growing fewer, by being drawn in at the 
arrival of the Periods of the several Funds, upon which they were re- 
spectively Emitted; and more especially by Reason that the Government 
of Rhode- Island have lately Agreed, to Emit One Hun[dred] and Four 
Thousand Pounds, in Bills of Credit, without taking (as we humbly ap- 
prehend) the necessary care to establish their Value, and which added to 
what that Colony hath heretofore Emitted, will be exceedingly beyond 
their Proportion of the Bills passing in New England, 

THEREFORE, We whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, have 
Agreed upon the following Proposals, viz. 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 205 

First. There shall forthwith be Emitted, One Hundred and Ten 
Thousand Pounds, in Bills, or Notes of Hand, of the following Denom- 
inations, viz. One Hundred and Five Thousand Pounds, in Ten Pounds, 
Six Pounds, Three Pounds, and Twenty Shilling Bills, and the Re- 
maining Five Thousand., in Ten Shillings, Six Shillings, Two Shillings 
and Six Penny, and Eighteen Penny Bills, to be Redeemed by Certain 
Subscribers, or Borrowers, with Coined Silver of Sterling Alloy, at 
Nineteen Shillings per Ounce ; or Coined Standard Gold, at Thirteen 
Pounds Thirteen Shillings One Penny Half Penny per Ounce, both 
Troy Weight. 

Secondly. The following Gentlemen, viz. Edward Hutchinson, John 
Osborne, Jacob Wendell, James Bowdoin, William Foye, Samuel Welles, 
Samuel Sewall, Hugh Hall, Esqrs. Joshua Winslow and Edward Brom- 
jield junr. Merchants, shall be the Committee, to manage the Affairs of 
the Subscribers to this SCHEME, which Committee shall Sign the 
Bills, and be Obliged to the Possessors of them, and shall receive 
Security from the Subscribers or Borrowers. 

Thirdly. To Enable the said Committee to Redeem said Bills, with 
Silver or Gold as aforesaid, Every Subscriber, who Borrows and Re- 
ceives of the said Committee, One Thousand Pounds, shall be Obliged 
to Pay them in Silver and Gold as aforesaid : The Principal in Ten 
Equal Annual Payments, and Interest for the whole, at the rate of Six 
per Cent per Annum. The [nterest to be paid at such times as may 
best serve the Company, and to be particularly express'd in each Bond 
from the Subscribers or Borrowers to the Committee ; Nevertheless, it 
is to be understood, That every Subscriber, who Borrows One Thou- 
sand Pounds as aforesaid, shall have the Favour and Privilege of being 
releas'd and free from paying that part of the aforesaid Interest of Six 
per Cent, per Annum, which shall be payable in any of the aforesaid 
Ten Years, if he shall pay to the Committee in Silver and Gold as 
aforesaid, a Tenth part of the Principal of the aforesaid Thousand 
Pounds, and Ten Pounds only as Interest, One Month before the said 
Interest at Six per Cent per Annum, becomes due by said Bond ; 
Which Silver and Gold shall be, and remain in the hands of the said 
Committee, to Exchange the said Bills at the following Periods, and in 
the following proportion, viz. Three Tenth Parts at the End of the 
first Three Years, Three Seventh Parts of the Remainder, at the End of 
the first Six Years ; and the whole of the Residue, at the End of the 
aforesaid Ten Years : And whosoever shall Subscribe and Borrow, either 
more or less than One Thousand Pounds, shall Pay in the same Specie 
and Proportion, and at the same Periods. 

Fourthly. Upon bringing in the Bills at the several Periods, they 
shall All be Consumed to Ashes, and at the two first Periods of Paying 
the Silver or Gold to the Possessors, New Bills shall be given to the 


Possessor, for that Part of the Old Bills, that was not paid in Silver and 

Fifthly. Every Subscriber shall give Security for the Sum he Bor- 
rows, either Real or Personal, at the Discretion of the Committee 
aforesaid. If it be Personal, there shall be Two Sufficient Sureties, 
with him the Subscriber, all to be bound Joyntly and Severally ; But if 
the Subscriber shall give Real Security, it shall be Land at half the 
Value, without any allowance for Buildings, and shall be Mortgaged as 
a Collateral Security for the Payment and Discharge of Ten Several 
Bonds, to be given by the Subscriber or Borrower for Paying the 
Committee in the Specie and Proportion, and at the Periods aforesaid. 

Sixthly. Each Subscriber or Borrower, shall be also Obliged, in 
Proportion to his Subscription, to Indemnify the Committee, as to any 
Damage they may any way Sustain, in Redeeming or Paying the 
said Notes of Hand, or by any Deficiency, or other Neglect of the 
Company, or either of them. The Security given by the Subscribers, 
to be made to all the Committee, except the Security of any of the Ten 
of the Committee, which shall be to the Remainder. 

Seventhly. No Person shall be Chosen One of the Committee, who 
Subscribes less than One Thousand Pounds. 

Eightly. No Person shall Subscribe, or be allow'd to Borrow, less 
than Five Hundred Pounds, nor more than Ten Thousand Pounds ; 
and every Subscriber of Five Hundred Pounds, shall have One Vote, 
and he that Subscribes more, shall Vote in Proportion, to the Number 
of Five Hundred Pounds contained in his Subscription : but if it so 
happen at any time, that any One Person, by Inheritance, or Purchase, 
shall be Interested more than Ten Thousand Pounds, He shall be al- 
low'd no more than Twenty Votes, any thing herein contained to the 
contrary, notwithstanding. 

Ninthly. Whereas we are of Opinion, the aforesaid One Hundred 
and Four Thousand Pounds, in Bills of Credit, agreed upon to be 
speedily Emitted, by the General Assembly of the Colony of Rhode- 
Island, have no proper Security for their Value ; Therefore we Agree 
and Promise, that We will not Accept of the said Bills, in Payment for 
any Debt now Due, or hereafter to be Contracted, nor in Exchange for 
any Goods, Merchandize or other Things. 

Tenthly. Every Subscriber or Borrower, shall at the Desire of 
the Company, give such further and better Security, as shall at any 
Time hereafter be thought needful, by the said Company. 

Eleventhly. Every Subscriber shall have Liberty at any time, except 
the Third, Sixth and Tenth Year of said Scheme, in Lieu of coined 
Silver aud Gold, as directed to in said Scheme, to put or pay in, 
wrought Silver Plate, of Sterling alloy, at Seventeen Shillings per 
Ounce, and may redeem it at any time after, till the arrival of one of the 

1903.] THE MERCHANTS' NOTES OF 1733. 207 

said Third, Sixth or Tenth Years, that shall come next after his putting 
the Plate in, by paying the Silver or Gold it was put in as a pledge for, 
and Interest at the Rate of Three 'per Gent per Annum in Silver and 
Gold, as set in this Scheme; But if said Subscriber, shall not redeem 
his Plate, before the Arrival of One of the aforesaid Periods, which 
shall first come, after he hath put his Plate in; The Committee may 
dispose thereof, as may best serve the Interest of the Company. 

Twelfthly. The Company may if they find it for their Interest, chuse 
a New Committee, upon the arrival of the first and second Periods, 
That is, at the close of the Third and Sixth Years. 

Thirteenthly. That the Ten Thousand Pounds, not taken out by the 
Subscribers, shall be Let to Interest by the Committee, for the benefit 
of the Company, except so much as the Charge of the Company shall 

Lastly. The Committee shall warn the whole Company, to meet 
Annually, on the first Monday in January, at the Town-House in Bos- 
ton, and at any other time, when said Committee shall think it needful, 
or the Borrowers or Subscribers of Twenty Jive Thousand Pounds, shall 
desire it of them in Writing under their Hands : When said Committee 
shall lay a just and true Account of their Proceedings before the Com- 
pany, and divide any Profits that may arise to such as shall have done 
and performed their respective Obligations, proportionable to their Sub- 
scriptions : At which General Meeting, the Company shall have Power 
also to make such Rules and By-Orders, as may be found needful : 
Provided, They are no way inconsistent with the aforewritten Articles. 
AND as a Testimony of our Consent, and Promise to observe the 
aforewritten Agreement, We hereunto Subscribe our Names, and prom- 
ise to take out and borrow the Sums we have set against them respect- 
ively, on the aforesaid Terms and Conditions. 

Thomas Fitch 
Thomas Lee John Turner 

Jefperey Bedgood Edward Hutchinson 

Thomas Ruck Willtam Clark 

Isaac Dupee John Alford 

Francis Gatcombe John Osborne 

Joshua Cheever John Ruck 

Ezekiel Cheever Jacob Wendell 

Richard Clarke James Bowdoin 

Jeremiah Belknap William Foye 

Joseph Scott Samuel Welles 

Henry Gibbs Samuel Sewall 

Samuel Hendly Hugh Hall 

Thomas Cushing jun. Thomas Jenner 

Thomas Hancock Habijah Savage 




Job Lewis 
Thomas Palmer jun. 
William Bant 
John Ellery" 
William Wter 
Benjamin Bird 
Benjamin Browne 
Stephen Boutineau 
James Pitts 
Jonathan Jackson 
Charles Apthorp 
John and 

Richard Billings 
Thomas Hubbard 
John Henderson 
Peter Luce 
Thomas Downe 
John Hill 
Thomas Hill 
Edward Durant 
James Gooch jun. 
John Gooch 
John Gerrish 
Robert Harris 
Philip Dumaresq 
John Richardson 
Zechariah Johonnot 
Shubael Gorham 
John- Davis 
William Greenleaf 
Benja. Hallowell jun. 

Nath. Cunningham 
Stephen Minot 
Richard Bill 
Joshua Winslow 
Tristram Little 
Francis Wells 
John Erving 
Edward Tyng 
Daniel Henchman 
Edward Bromfield jun. 
William Downe 
Samuel Rand 
Oxenbridge Thacher 
James Allen 
John Tyler 
John Knight 
Arthur Sovage 
Willtam Tyler 
John Hunt 
Sylvanus Hussey 
John Foye 
Andrew Tyler 
Andrew and 
Peter Oliver 
Samuel Adams 
William Rand 
John Burt 
Jacob Royal 
John Fayerweather 
John W alley 
John Cookson 

N. B. The Undertakers Names are Printed (excepting the Gentle- 
men who are or have been of the Council) in the Order they happened 
to Subscribe them. 

Rev. Dr. Edward E. Hale said that he had meant to 
ask leave to read a paper at the next meeting of the Society 
on a subject which excited much interest a generation ago — 
the display of lanterns on April 18, 1775, as a notification to 
Paul Revere. Only that morning he had learned that Mr. 
E. W. McGlenen, the City Registrar, had prepared a valuable 
pamphlet bearing on the subject, with a curious map. The 
publication of this report will decide the question and estab- 


lish the fact that the lanterns were shown from the steeple of 
Christ Church. Dr. Hale laid on the table a copy of the map 
and a proofshcet of the essay. 

The regular business of the Annual Meeting was then taken 
up, and the annual report from the Council was read by Mr. 
James Ford Rhodes, Senior Member at Large : — 

Report of the Council. 

As I have refreshed my memory by reading the history of 
previous years of this Society, I have had borne in upon me 
the remark of Montesquieu, " Happy the people whose annals 
are tiresome." The thought did not arise because the monthly 
meetings do not possess great interest — that is a matter on 
which I shall have something to say later — and not because 
the reports of the senior members of the Council are un- 
interesting, but for the reason that the tale has now become 
one of comparative financial prosperity and of steady and 
useful progress in historical learning. The necrology is the 
sad feature. We have lost five Resident Members : George 
Bigelow Chase, who died June 2, 1902 ; Charles Greely Lor- 
ing, August 18, 1902 ; Horace Gray, September 15, 1902 ; 
James Elliot Cabot, January 16, 1903 ; and John D. Wash- 
burn, April 4, 1903. Three Corresponding Members have 
also passed away: Joseph Jackson Howard, April 18, 1902 ; 
Joseph Williamson, December 4, 1902 ; Jabez Lamar Monroe 
Curry, February 12, 1903. The Society lias elected seven 
Resident Members: Brooks Adams, April 10, 1902 ; Grenville 
Howland Norcross, October 9, 1902 ; Edward Hooker Gilbert, 
October 9, 1902 ; John Carver Palfrey, December 11, 1902 ; 
Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, January 8, 1903 ; Charles 
Knowles Bolton, February 12, 1903 ; Samuel Savage Shaw, 
March 12, 1903. Seven Corresponding Members have been 
chosen : Albert Venn Dicey, April 10, 1902 ; Edward Mc- 
Crady, May 8, 1902; Reuben Gold Thwaites, October 9, 
1902; John Christopher Schwab, October 9, 1902; Worth- 
ington Chauncey Ford, December 11, 1902 ; Arthur Blake 
Ellis, January 8, 1903 ; Auguste Moireau, February 12, 1903. 
Two of these Corresponding Members, Mr. Ford and Mr. Ellis, 
had been Resident Members, and this membership had termi- 
nated on account of their removal from the Commonwealth. 
In Mr. Ford the Society lost a valuable Resident Member. He 



was constant in attendance upon the meetings, and contributed 
to the Proceedings historical matter of much interest. He 
had just begun a useful service on the Council. Henry 
Charles Lea was transferred, October 9, 1902, from the Corre- 
sponding to the Honorary Membership. This was a fitting 
tribute to a patient historical scholar who, using scientific 
methods, had by his long industrious labors achieved a great 
reputation in Europe as well as in America. Three vacancies 
now remain in the Resident Membership, one in the Corre- 
sponding and two in the Honorary. 

The Society was represented at the Historical Congress 
whicli met at Rome in March of this year. 

The publications of the Society for the year were : Collec- 
tions, 7th series, Vols. II. and III. containing Parts III. and 
IV. of the Trumbull papers ; Proceedings, 2d series, Vol. XV. 
(March, 1901-February, 1902), and three serial numbers, 
March to December, 1902. The literary fecundity of members 
of the Society has been great. We enumerate forty titles of 
publications against twenty-five in 1901 and twenty-seven in 
1902. Among them are a number of conspicuous books and 
addresses. A list of them is appended to this report. 

Notable papers have been read at the monthly meetings of 
the Society : in May, 1902, " The Historical Conception of the 
United States Constitution and Union," by Daniel H. Cham- 
berlain ; " Some Early Religious Matters at the Piscataqua," 
by James De Normandie. In June Gamaliel Bradford spoke 
extemporaneously on one phase of Historic Evolution in 
Massachusetts, and Melville M. Bigelow read a paper on 
constitutional questions between 1761 and 1776. In October 
Worthington C. Ford spoke on Cotton's " Moses his Judi- 
cials." At the November meeting the President read some 
interesting extracts from an unpublished diary of John Quincy 
Adams, and Thomas Jefferson Coolidge gave the Society a 
taste of vivid autobiography. In December we returned to 
Colonial history, Simeon E. Baldwin discoursing on " Reverend 
John Higginson, of Salem," and John Noble on the gruesome 
topic " A Glance at Suicide as dealt with in the Massachu- 
setts Bay Colony." The present year began with the u Sui- 
cide of a Political Infant," as interpreted by William R. 
Thayer, in an account of the National Party of 1900, and a 
remarkable paper by G. Stanley Hall on " Civilization and 


Savagery." During the meetings already held this year the 
President discussed the " Constitutional Ethics of Secession," 
and the senior Vice-President, Dr. Samuel A. Green, read of 
" Early American Imprints " and " The Tradition connected 
with the Washington Elm." James F. Hunnewell spoke of 
"Prehistoric Bunker Hill"; James De Normandie discoursed 
on " Sir William Pepperrell," and also read a stimulating 
paper on " Hymns in Ecclesiastical History." William B. 
Weeden read a carefully prepared paper on the "Controversy 
between Governor Andrew and General Butler relating to 
recruiting for the volunteer army in 1861." In presenting 
some historical documents Franklin B. Sanborn made some 
introductory remarks. At the last meeting Frederic Ban- 
croft spoke of " Some Features of the Internal Trade in 
Slaves," and this interesting talk suggested so many personal 
reccollections on the part of members that the meeting may 
be described as a very animated one. 

I have recalled the papers read at these meetings to exhibit 
their infinite variety and to emphasize a feature of this 
Society which is, I think, so far as this country goes, peculiar 
to itself. Thirty to forty members gather here one afternoon 
a month, without even the prospect of what Emerson called 
" the gentle excitation of a cup of tea," to obtain historical 
refreshment. Our meetings may be compared fitly to those 
of the five classes of the Institute of France, which have given 
that body an undefined celebrity all over the civilized world. 
" What does the French Academy do? " was asked of one of 
the forty. " What does it do ? " was the reply. " It exists ! " 
Therefore, no matter how highly we may prize our learned 
publications, and no matter how we may look forward to the 
development of future activities, let us remember that a 
robust existence is equally important with performance, and 
that no mark of a vigorous life of a learned society is more 
salient than the coming together of its members at stated 
periods. To arrange the programme for these meetings is no 
small work, which falls mainly upon the President of the 
Society. Fortunately, the other officers and members give 
him their hearty co-operation : they are not like those of 
another Society I wot of, the members of which take their 
seats with an air that seems to imply "I have come here to be 
entertained and I am pretty critical too about my entertain- 


merit." I am sure that in his absence I may speak for the 
President in thanking those who have helped him in this 
part of his arduous work and urging them to continue their 
useful exertions. New members may feel assured that inter- 
esting contributions on some historical or cognate topic will 
be welcomed heartily. I may add for their information 
that a notice beforehand by letter to the President, or 
in his absence to the senior Vice-President, of what they 
purpose reading is helpful in the arrangement of the 

The broadening of subjects considered germane for treat- 
ment seems to me an admirable feature of our President's 
administration. I remember that when I had the honor to 
become a member of this Society I supposed that contribu- 
tions should be confined to colonial and revolutionary history ; 
and when Mr. Winsor suggested that I should read a paper I 
told him that I had not sufficient ground- work to dilate on 
either subject. "What are you studying now?" he asked. 
" McClellan's Peninsular Campaign," was my reply. " Give 
us a paper on that," he said ; and after receiving the approval 
of the President I did as I was advised. I think that I 
express the feeling of the President and Council when I say 
that some portion of a member's book he is about to publish 
or a part of a magazine article will be listened to gratefully 
by the Society ; and while the Society likes to print in the 
Proceedings these contributions, that is not a necessary condi- 
tion : that members may be willing to read something here 
which they purpose printing elsewhere is a circumstance 
recognized fully. The purpose of my little homily is to 
urge members to do all in their power to preserve and even 
increase the interest of the meetings. The life of a society is 
a great thing, and if that life be maintained we may feel sure 
that the distinction of belonging to this Society will steadily 
grow. Its past is secure; its learned and valuable publica- 
tions attract the attention of European as well as American 
scholars ; the eulogies spoken here and the memoirs written of 
deceased members are vivid contributions to contemporary 
history; — these and the life of which I have spoken consti- 
tute a Society which is well worthy of the devotion of its 


1 Publications by Members. 

The New Empire. By Brooks Adams. 

Investigation and Publicity as opposed to " Compulsory Arbitration." 
By Charles Francis Adams. A Paper read before the American Civic 
Federation, December 8, 1902. 

Lee at Appomattox and other Papers. By Charles Francis 

Same, second edition, enlarged. 

Shall Cromwell have a Statue ? Oration by Charles Francis Adams 
before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of the University of Chicago, Tues- 
day, June 17, 1902. 

Speech of Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, December 22, 

1902, at the Banquet of the New England Society of Charleston, 
South Carolina. 

The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the 
Massachusetts Bay : to which are prefixed the Charters of the Prov- 
ince. With Historical and Explanatory Notes, and an Appendix. 
Volumes IX. and X., 1708-1726. Edited by Melville M. Bigelow. 

Charles Sumner and the Treaty of Washington. By Daniel Henry 
Chamberlain. A Review of Parts of an Address by Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams before the New York Historical Society, November 
19, 1901. 

John Fiske. By Andrew McFarland Davis. 

Lawful Money, 1778 and 1779. By Andrew McFarland Davis. 

Memoir of Robert Noxon Toppan. By Andrew McFarland Davis. 

Tracts relating to the Currency of the Massachusetts Bay, 1682- 
1720. Edited by Andrew McFarland Davis. 

Charles Eliot, Landscape Architect. By Charles W. Eliot. 

Peabody Education Fund. Proceedings of the Trustees at their 
Forty-first Meeting, New York, 1 October, 1902, with the Annual 
Report of the General Agent, Hon. J. L. M. Curry. Edited by the 
Secretary, Samuel A. Green. 

Peabody Education Fund. Proceedings of the Trustees at their 
Forty-second Meeting (a special meeting), Washington, 29 January, 

1903. Edited by the Secretary, Samuel A. Green. 

Ten Fac-simile Reproductions relating to New England. By Sam- 
uel Abbott Green. 

Memories of a Hundred Years. By Edward Everett Hale. Two 

The Real Philip Nolan. By Edward Everett Hale. 

Ancient Long Island Epitaphs, from the Towns of Southold, Shel- 
ter Island, and Easthampton, New York. By Edward Doubleday 


Source Readers in American History. By Albert B. Hart and 
others. No. 1, Colonial Children; No. 2, Camps and Firesides of the 
Revolution; No. 3, How our Grandfathers Lived. 

Ezekiel Cheever. The Cheever MSS. and Letters. By John T. 

The Hassam Family. By John T. Hassam. 

No. 47 Court Street, Boston. By John T. Hassam. 

Four Addresses by Henry Lee Higginson. The Soldiers' Field; 
The Harvard Union, I. ; The Harvard Union, II. ; Robert Gould Shaw. 

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. By Thomas Wentworth Higginson. 
[American Men of Letters.] 

John Greenleaf Whittier. By Thomas Wentworth Higginson. 
[English Men of Letters, edited by John Morley.] 

Triumphs of Early Printing. A Paper read at the Annual Meeting 
of The Club of Odd Volumes, at the University Club, December 26, 
1901, by the President, James Frothingham Hunnewell. 

Diocese of Massachusetts. Ninth Annual Address of the Rt. Rev. 
William Lawrence, to the Convention of the Diocese, delivered in 
Trinity Church, Boston, April 30, a. d. 1902, at the One Hundred 
and Seventeenth Annual Meeting. 

Phillips Brooks. A Study. By William Lawrence. 

Roger Wolcott. By William Lawrence. 

The Fighting Frigate, and other Essays and Addresses. By Henry 
Cabot Lodge. 

The Influence of Party upon Legislation in England and America. 
By A. Lawrence Lowell. Reprinted from the Annual Report of the 
American Historical Association for 1901. 

The Case of Maria in the Court of Assistants in 1681. By John 

Notes on the Law of Charity Trusts under the Massachusetts Deci- 
sions. By John Noble. 

Notes on Strangers' Courts in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. By 
John Noble. 

An Old Harvard Commencement Programme [1730]. By John 

Our International Obligations in the Philippines. By James 

The Diocesan Library, being the Nineteenth Annual Report made to 
the Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of 
Massachusetts, held in Boston, April 30, 1902. By the Rev. Edmund 
F. Slafter. 

The Report of Proceedings of a British Committee of Investigation 
into the Condition of Affairs in America, 1782. A Satire. By Wins- 
low Warren. 


Governor Taft in the Philippines. A Review of his Evidence- 
given before the Senate Committee on the Philippines. By Winslow 

Ralegh in Guiana, Rosamund, and A Christmas Masque. By Bar- 
rett Wendell. 

James F. Rhodes, 

Senior Member at Large of the Council. 

The Annual Report of the Treasurer and the Report of the 
Auditing Committee were presented in print, as follows: — 

Report of the Treasurer. 

In compliance with the requirements of the By-Laws, Chap- 
ter VII. , Article 1, the Treasurer respectfully submits his 
Annual Report, made up to March 31, 1903. 

The special funds held by him are eighteen in number, and 
are as follows : — 

I. The Appleton Fund, which was created Nov. 18, 1854, 
by a gift to the Society, from Nathan Appleton, William Ap- 
pleton, and Nathaniel I. Bowditch, trustees under the will of 
Samuel Appleton, of stocks of the appraised value of ten thou- 
sand dollars. These stocks were subsequently sold for $12,203, 
at which sum the fund now stands. The income is applicable 
to " the procuring, preserving, preparation, and publication of 
historical papers." 

II. The Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund, which 
now stands, with the accumulated income, at $10,000. This 
fund originated in a gift of two thousand dollars from the 
Hon. David Sears, presented Oct. 15, 1855, and accepted by 
the Society Nov. 8, 1855. On Dec. 26, 1866, it was increased 
by a gift of five hundred dollars from Mr. Sears, and another 
of the same amount from another associate, Nathaniel Thayer. 
The annual income must be added to the principal between 
July and January, or by " a recorded vote " of " the Society " 
it may " be expended in such objects as to them may be desir- 
able." The directions in Mr. Sears's declaration of trust may 
be found in the printed Proceedings for November, 1855. 

III. The Dowse Fund, given to the Society by George 
Livermore and Eben. Dale, executors of the will of Thomas 
Dowse, April 9, 1857, for the "safe keeping" of the Dowse 
Library, which was formally given by Mr. Dowse to the So- 


ciety in July, 1856. It amounts to $10,000. The balance of 
income for the year has been placed to the credit of the Gen- 
eral Account, in accordance with what was understood to be 
the wish of the executors. 

IV. The Peabody Fund, which was presented by the 
eminent banker and philanthropist George Peabody, in a letter 
dated Jan. 1, 1867, and now stands at $22,123. The income 
is available only for the publication and illustration of the 
Society's Proceedings and Memoirs, and for the preservation 
of the Society's Historical Portraits. 

V. The Savage Fund, which was a bequest from the Hon. 
James Savage, President from 1841 to 1855, received in June, 
1873, and now stands on the books at the sum of $6,000. The 
income is to be used for the increase of the Society's Library. 

VI. The Erastus B. Bigelow Fund, which was given in 
February, 1881, by Mrs. Helen Bigelow Merriman, in recog- 
nition of her father's interest in the work of the Society. 
The original sum was one thousand dollars ; but the inter- 
est was added to the principal to bring the amount up to 
$2,000, at which it now stands. There is no restriction as to 
the use to be made of this fund ; but up to the present time 
the income has been used only for the purchase of important 
books of reference needed in the Library. 

VII. The William Winthrop Fund, which amounts to 
the sum of $3,000, and was received Oct. 13, 1882, under the 
will of William Winthrop, for many years a Corresponding 
Member of the Society. The income is to be applied " to the 
binding for better preservation of the valuable manuscripts 
and books appertaining to the Society." 

VIII. The Richard Frothingham Fund, which repre- 
sents a gift to the Society, on the 23d of March, 1883, from 
the widow of Richard Frothingham, Treasurer from 1847 to 
1877, of a certificate of twenty shares in the Union Stock Yard 
and Transit Co., of Chicago, of the par value of $100 each, 
and of the stereotype plates of Mr. Frothingham's " Siege of 
Boston," " Life of Joseph Warren," and " Rise of the Repub- 
lic." The fund stands on the Treasurer's books at $3,000, 
exclusive of the copyright. There are no restrictions on the 
uses to which the income may be applied. 

IX. The General Fund, which now amounts to $43,324.43. 
It represents the following gifts and payments to the 
Society, and withdrawals from the Building Account: — 


1. A gift of two thousand dollars from the residuary estate 
of Mary Prince Townsend, by the executors of her will, 
William Minot and William Minot, Jr., in recognition of 
which, by a vote of the Society, passed June 13, 1861, the 
Treasurer was " directed to make and keep a special entry in 
his account books of this contribution as the donation of Miss 
Mary P. Townsend." 

2. A legacy of two thousand dollars from Henry Harris, 
received in July, 1867. 

3. A legacy of one thousand dollars from our associate 
George Bemis, received in March, 1879. 

4. A gift of one hundred dollars from our associate Ralph 
"Waldo Emerson, received in April, 1881. 

5. A legacy of one thousand dollars from our associate 
Williams Latham, received in May, 1884. 

6. A bequest of five shares in the Cincinnati Gas-Light 
and Coke Co. from George Dexter, Recording Secretary 
from 1878 to 1883, received in June, 1884. This bequest for 
several years stood on the Treasurer's books at $900, at which 
sum the shares were valued when the incomes arising from 
separate investments were all merged in one consolidated 
account. Besides the regular quarterly dividends there has 
been received up to the present time from the sale of sub- 
scription rights, etc., the sum of $337.56, which has been 
added to the nominal amount of Mr. Dexter's bequest. 

7. A legacy of one thousand dollars from our associate the 
Hon. Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar, received in February, 1895. 

8. Twenty-eight commutation fees of one hundred and 
fifty dollars each. 

9. The sum of $29,955.17 was withdrawn from the proceeds 
of the sale of the Tremont Street estate, and added to this 
fund; and the sum of $731.70 received from the Medical 
Library for cost of party-wall was deducted from the cost of 
the real estate and added to this fund. 

X. The Anonymous Fund, which originated in a gift 
of $1,000 to the Society in April, 1887, communicated in a 
letter to the Treasurer, from a valued associate, printed in the 
Proceedings (2d series, vol. iii. pp. 277, 278). A further gift 
of $250 was received from the same generous friend in April, 
1888. The income has been added to the principal; and in 
accordance with the instructions of the giver this policy is to 



be continued (see Proceedings, 2d series, vol. xiii. pp. 66, 67). 
The fund now stands at $2,782.37. 

XI. The William Amory Fund, which was a bequest of 
13,000, from our associate William Amory, received Jan. 7, 
1889. There are no restrictions on the uses to which the 
income may be applied. 

XII. The Lawrence Fund, which was a bequest of 
$3,000, from our associate the younger Abbott Lawrence 
(Ii. U., Class of 1819), received in June, 1894. The income 
is " to be expended in publishing the Collections and Pro- 
ceedings " of the Society. 

XIII. The Robert C. Winthrop Fund, which was a be- 
quest of $5,000, from the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, Presi- 
dent from 1855 to 1885, received in December, 1894. No 
restrictions were attached to this bequest; but by a vote of 
the Society passed Dec. 13, 1894, it was directed that the 
income u shall be expended for such purposes as the Council 
may from time to time direct." 

XIV. The Waterston Publishing- Fund, which was a 
bequest of $10,000, from our associate the Rev. Robert C. 
Waterston, received in December, 1894. The income is to be 
used as a publishing fund, in accordance with the provisions 
of Mr. Waterston's will printed in the Proceedings (2d series, 
vol. viii. pp. 172, 173). 

XV. The Ellis Fund, which originated in a bequest to 
the Society of $30,000, by Dr. George E. Ellis, President from 
1885 to 1894. This sum was paid into the Treasury Dec. 20, 
1895 ; and to it has been added the sum of $1,663.66 received 
from the sale of various articles of personal property, also given 
to the Society by Dr. Ellis, which it was not thought desirable 
to keep, making the whole amount of the fund $31,663.66. No 
part of the original sum can be used for the purchase of other 
real estate in exchange for the real estate specifically devised 
by Dr. Ellis's will. 

Besides the bequest in money, Dr. Ellis by his will gave to 
the Society his dwelling-house No. 110 Marlborough Street, 
with substantially all its contents. In the exercise of the dis- 
cretion which the Society was authorized to use, this house 
was sold for the sum of $25,000, and the proceeds invested in 
the more eligible estate on the corner of the Fenway and 
Boylston Street. The full sum received from the sale was 


entered on the Treasurer's books, to the credit of Ellis 
House, in perpetual memory of Dr. Ellis's gift. 

XVI. The Lowell Fund, which was a bequest of the 
Hon. John Lowell (H. U., Class of 1843), amounting to $3,000, 
received September 13, 1897. There are no restrictions on the 
uses to which the income may be applied. 

XVII. The Waterston Fund, which was received April 
21, 1900, in full satisfaction of a bequest from our associate 
the Rev. Robert C. Waterston. Some legal questions hav- 
ing arisen in connection with this bequest, the matter was 
compromised, and the sum of $5,000 was received, as stated 
in the Proceedings (2d series, vol. xiv. pp. 163, 164). The 
income is to be used for printing a catalogue of the Waterston 
Library, for printing documents from it, and for making addi- 
tions to the Library from time to time. 

XVIII. The Waterston Fund No. 2, which was a fur- 
ther bequest of $10,000 from Mr. Waterston, in regard to 
which there were no legal questions, and which was also re- 
ceived April 21, 1900. The income is to be used for " print- 
ing and publishing any important or interesting autograph, 
original manuscripts, letters or documents which may be in 
possession of" the Society. 

Besides the three Funds, for the creation of which provision 
was made by Mr. Waterston's will, the Treasurer received, 
under the will, the sum of $10,000, to be applied to the fitting 
up of a room or portion of a fire-proof building for the com- 
modious and safe keeping of the Waterston Collection. A 
room was accordingly set apart for that purpose, and the 
larger part of this sum was expended in making it con- 
venient and attractive. Some further expenditures must be 
made on this account, and any balance of cash remaining 
in the hands of the Treasurer will be used, in accordance with 
the terms of the will, in adding books to the collection, under 
the direction of the Council. 

The Treasurer also holds a deposit book in the Five Cent 
Savings Bank for $100 and interest, which is applicable to the 
care and preservation of the beautiful model of the Brattle 
Street Church, deposited with us in April, 1877. 

It should not be forgotten that besides the gifts and bequests 
represented by these funds, which the Treasurer is required to 
take notice of in his Annual Report, numerous gifts have been 


made to the Society from time to time, and expended for the 
purchase of the real estate, or in promoting the objects for 
which the Society was organized. A detailed account of these 
gifts was included in the Annual Report of the Treasurer, 
dated March 31, 1887, printed in the Proceedings (2d series, 
vol. iii. pp. 291-296) ; and in the list of the givers there enu- 
merated will be found the names of many honored associates, 
now living or departed, and of other gentlemen, not members 
of the Society, who were interested in the promotion of histori- 
cal studies. They gave liberally in the day of small things ; 
and to them the Society is largely indebted for its present 
prosperity and usefulness. 

To the benefactors there mentioned must be added Charles 
Francis Adams, President of the Society, who, in the sum- 
mer of 1895, bought a lot of land on the Fenway (3,000 
square feet), with a view of adding it to the lot bought by 
the Society, in case the latter should prove too small. When 
the plans for the new building were drawn, it was found to 
be desirable to make some change in the lines of the Society's 
estate, and the lot bought by the President was conveyed to 
the Society, with a verbal understanding that he should re- 
ceive for it an equal quantity of land on Boylston Street. In 
February, 1901, a portion of unoccupied land on Boylston 
Street (2,622 t 4 q square feet) was sold to indemnify the Presi- 
dent for the land conveyed by him to the Society. The dif- 
ference ($3,000) between the sum paid by the President 
($15,000) and the amount received for the land sold (112,000) 
was an absolute gift to the Society, and to this difference must 
be added the interest on $15,000 from the date of the original 
purchase up to the date of sale of the Boylston Street land, a 
period of nearly six years. 

The stock and bonds held by the Treasurer as investments 
on account of the above-mentioned funds are as follows : — 

,000 in the five per cent mortgage bonds of the Chicago and 
West Michigan Railroad Co. ; 

$5,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Rio Grande Western Rail- 
road Co. ; 

$8,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Chicago, Burlington, and 
Quincy Railroad Co.; 

$5,000 in the five per cent gold bonds of the Cincinnati, Dayton, 
and Ironton Railroad Co. ; 


$1,500 in the new four per cent mortgage bonds of the Atchison, 
Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad Co. ; 

$2,000 in the adjustment four per cent bonds, and thirty-three shares 
of the preferred stock of the same corporation, received in exchange 
for bonds of said corporation held by the Treasurer at the time of its 
reorganization ; 

$11,000 in the five per cent collateral trust bonds of the Chicago 
Junction Railways and Union Stock Yards Co. ; 

$10,000 in the new five per cent bonds of the Oregon Short Line 
Railroad Co. ; 

$10,000 in the five per cent mortgage bonds of the Metropolitan 
Street Railway Co. of Kansas City ; 

$ 1 2,000 in the five per cent bonds of the Lewiston-Concord Bridge Co. ; 

$6,000 in the four and one half per cent bonds of the Boston and 
Maine Railroad Co. ; 

$10,000 in the four per cent bonds of the American Telephone and 
Telegraph Co. ; 

$2,000 in the four per cent joint bonds of the Northern Pacific Rail- 
road Co. and the Great Northern Railroad Co. ; 

$15,000 in the six per cent mortgage notes of G. St. L. Abbott, 
Trustee ; 

Fifty shares in the Merchants' National Bank of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the State National Bank of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the National Bank of Commerce of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the National Union Bank of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the Second National Bank of Boston ; 

Twenty-five shares in the National Shawmut Bank of Boston; 

Thirty-five shares in the Boston and Albany Railroad Co.; 

Twenty-five shares in the Old Colony Railroad Co. ; 

Twenty-five shares in the preferred stock of the Fitchburg Rail- 
road Co. ; 

One hundred shares in the preferred stock of the Chicago Junction 
Railways and Union Stock Yards Co. ; 

Two hundred shares in the preferred stock of the American Smelt- 
ing and Refining Co. ; 

Ten shares in the Cincinnati Gas and Electric Co., received in ex- 
change for five shares in the Cincinnati Gas-Light and Coke Co. 

Five shares in the Boston Real Estate Trust (of the par value of 
$1,000) ; 

Five shares in the State Street Exchange ; and 

Three shares in the Pacific Mills (of the par value of $1,000). 

The following abstracts and the trial balance show the pres- 
ent condition of the several accounts : — 



1902. DEBIT8 ' 

March 31. To balance on hand $1,277.45 


March 31. „ receipts as follows : — 

General Account 3,973.93 

Consolidated Income 10,727.19. 

Income of Richard Frothingham Fund 83.30 

Income of Peabody Fund 2.24 

General Fund 150.00 

Investments 50.00 

Ellis Fund 37.51 


March 31. To balance brought down $630.45 

1903 credits. 

March 31. By payments as follows : — 

Investments $1,965.00 

Waterston Library 20.00 

Income of Dowse Fund 5.00 

Income of Savage Fund 448.67 

Income of William Winthrop Fund 140.90 

Income of Mass. Hist. Trust Fund 2,505.84 

Income of Peabody Fund 1,903.59 

Income of Appleton Fund 41.25 

Consolidated Income 12.22 

General Account 8,628.70 

„ balance on hand 630.45 



1902. DEBITS 

March 31. To balance brought forward $9,826.05 


March 31. „ sundry charges and payments : — 

Salaries of Librarian's Assistants 3,890.00 

Services of Janitor 900.00 

Printing and binding 217.27 

Stationery and postage 76.20 

Light 52.33 

Water 7300 

Coal and wood 445.23 

Miscellaneous expenses 492.76 

Editing publications of the Society 2,000.00 

Outside shutters and repairs 481.91 


March 31. By balance brought down $9,567.77 


1903. credits. 

March 31. By sundry receipts : — 

Interest $54.54 

Income of General Fund 2,503.92 

Income of Ellis Fund 1,834.18 

Income of Dowse Fund 574.95 

Admission Fees 175.00 

Assessments 730.00 

Sales of publications 1,294.87 

On account of expenses for maintenance, etc. . . . 1,719.52 

„ balance carried forward 9,567.77 


Income of General Fund. 

1903. DEBITS ' 

March 31. To amount placed to credit of General Account .... $2,503.92 

1903. credits. 

March 31. By proportion of consolidated income $2,503.92 

Income of Richard Frothingham Fund. 



March 31. By balance brought forward $1,005.49 


March 31. „ copyright received 83.30 

„ proportion of consolidated income 173.98 

March 31. By amount brought down $1,262.77 

Income of Savage Fund. 

1902. DEBITS - 

March 31. To balance brought forward $5.36 

March 31. „ amount paid for books $448.67 

""$454 .03 
March 31. To balance brought forward $106.06 



March 31. By proportion of consolidated income $347.97 

„ balance carried forward 106.06 



Income of Ellis Fund. 


March 31. To amount carried to General Account $1,834.18 


March 31. By proportion of consolidated income $1,834.18 

Income of E. B. Bigelow Fund. 

1902. CREDITS. 

March 31. By balance brought forward $587.99 

March 31. „ proportion of consolidated income 115.99 

March 31. By balance brought forward $703.98 

Income of Massachusetts Historical Trust Fund. 

1903. DEBITS ' 

March 31. To amount paid for marble pedestals $532.00 

„ amount paid for printing and binding 1,973.84 

„ balance carried forward 1,684 29 


1902. credits. 
March 31. By balance brought forward $3,610.18 

March 31. „ proportion of consolidated income 579.95 

March 31. By balance brought forward $1,684.29 

Income of Dowse Fund. 


March 31. To amount paid for binding $5.00 

„ balance transferred to General Account 574.95 



March 31. By proportion of consolidated income ....... $579.95 


Income of Peabody Fund. 


March 31. To amount paid for printing and binding $1,903.59 

March 31. To balance brought down $336.53 

1902. credits. 

March 31. By balance brought forward $281.80 


March 31. ,, amount received for engravings 2.24 

„ proportion of consolidated income 1,283.02 

„ balance carried forward $336.53 


Income of William Winihrop Fund. 



March 31. To amount paid for binding $140.90 

„ balance carried forward 409.11 

$ 550.01 


March 31. By balance brought forward $376.03 

March 31. „ proportion of consolidated income 173.98 


March 31. By balance brought forward $409.11 

Income of Appleton Fund. 

1903. DEBITS ' 

March 31. To amount paid for binding . $41.25 

„ balance carried forward 4,415.27 


1902. CREDITS ' 

March 31. By balance brought forward • ... $3,747.81 

March 31. „ proportion of consolidated income 707.71 


March 31. By balance brought forward $4,415.27 





Cash $630.45 

Investments 198,569.72 

Real Estate 97,593.32 

General Account 9,567.77 

Income of Savage Fund 106.06 

Income of Peabody Fund 336.53 



Building Account $72,593.32 

Ellis House 25,000.00 

Appleton Fund 12,203.00 

Dowse Fund 10,000.00 

Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund 10,000.00 

Peabody Fund 22,123.00 

Savage Fund 6,000.00 

Erastus B. Bigelow Fund 2,000.00 

William Winthrop Fund 3,000.00 

Richard Frothingham Fund 3,000.00 

General Fund 43,324.43 

Anonymous Fund 2,782.37 

William Amory Fund 3,000.00 

Lawrence Fund 3,000.00 

Robert C. Winthrop Fund 5,000.00 

Waterston Publishing Fund 10,000.00 

Ellis Fund 31,663.66 

Lowell Fund 3,000.00 

Waterston Fund 5,000.00 

Waterston Fund No. 2 10,000.00 

Waterston Library 3,996.89 

Income of Lowell Fund 883.71 

Income of Appleton Fund 4,414.27 

Income of William Winthrop Fund 409.11 

Income of Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund 1,684.29 

Income of Richard Frothingham Fund 1,262.77 

Income of William Amory Fund 613.54 

Income of E. B. Bigelow Fund 703.98 

Income of Lawrence Fund 1,347.17 

Income of Robert C. Winthrop Fund 2,096.69 

Income of Waterston Publishing Fund 4,193.36 

Income of Waterston Fund 836.10 

Income of Waterston Fund No. 2 1,672.19 


The aggregate amount of the invested funds is $185,096.46. 
The securities which represent these funds stand on the Treas- 
urer's books at their net cost $198,569.72; but their market 
value is considerably higher. 


The income for the year derived from these investments and 
credited to the several funds, in proportion to the amount at 
which they stand on the Treasurer's books, was a little more 
than five and three-quarters per cent. 

The Treasurer has been notified that the executors under 
the will of the late Robert C. Billings will pay over at an 
early date the sum — $10,000 — which has been awarded to 
this Society from the residuary estate of that very modest and 
valuable citizen. This sum will be set apart as a permanent 
fund, the income to be used for publishing historical papers 
and documents. Some questions having arisen under the will 
of the late Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, the instructions of the 
Supreme Judicial Court have been asked for, and it is expected 
that a decision will be soon handed down. It is not known 
what sum will be then available for the purposes intended 
by Judge Chamberlain in making his bequest to the Society ; 
but it will be much less than was anticipated by him at the 
time of his first interview with the Treasurer on the subject. 
It is also expected that the income from the bequests of Mr. 
John L. Sibley and Mrs. Charlotte A. L. Sibley will become 
available during the next financial year. 

A considerable part of the income of the Peabody Fund for 
the next year having been anticipated in defraying the cost of 
the volume of Proceedings just completed, the cost of the new 
volume — volume xvii. of the 2d series — must be charged to 
the income of one of the other funds, — presumably the in- 
come of the Lawrence Fund, from which nothing has } r et been 
drawn. A sufficient sum for publishing a volume of Collec- 
tions will be available from the income of the other publishing 
funds. The cost of the two volumes of Collections issued 
during the current year was charged to the income of the 
Massachusetts Historical Trust Fund. 

Charles C. Smith, Treasurer. 
Boston, March 31, 1903. 

Report of the Auditing Committee. 

The undersigned, a Committee appointed to examine the 
accounts of the Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, as made up to March 31, 1903, have attended to that 
duty, and report that they find them correctly kept and prop- 


erly vouched ; that the securities held by the Treasurer for 
the several funds correspond with the statement in his Annual 
Report ; that the balance of cash on hand is satisfactorily 
accounted for ; and that the Trial Balance is accurately taken 
from the Ledger. 

Arthur Lord, 

f Committee. 
James F. Hunnewell, ) 

Boston, April 6, 1903. 

[Mr. Winslow Warren having gone abroad after his appointment on the 
Committee, Mr. Lord was appointed to fill the vacancy.] 

The Librarian read his Annual Report : — 

Report of the Librarian. 

During the year there have been added to the Library : — 

Books 483 

Pamphlets . 839 

Unbound volumes of newspapers 19 

Bound volumes of newspapers 25 

Broadsides 14 

Maps 6 

Manuscripts 3,476 

Bound volumes of manuscripts 109 

In all . . . 4,971 

Of the volumes added, 448 have been given, 125 bought, 
and 44 by binding. Of the pamphlets added, 674 have been 
given, 159 bought, and 6 procured by exchange. 

From the income of the Savage Fund there have been 
bought 125 volumes, 159 pamphlets, 2 unbound volumes of 
newspapers, 2 maps, and 2 broadsides; and 2 volumes have 
been repaired. 

From the income of the William Winthrop Fund there have 
been bound 44 volumes, including 16 volumes of newspapers 
and 3 volumes of manuscripts. 

Of the books added to the Rebellion Department, 17 have 
been given, and 44 bought ; and of the pamphlets added, 45 
have been given, and 105 bought. There are now in the col- 
lection 2,763 volumes, 5,281 pamphlets, 818 broadsides, and 
110 maps. 


In the collection of manuscripts there are 1,126 volumes, 
192 unbound volumes, 97 pamphlets with manuscript notes, 
and 11,169 manuscripts. 

The Library contains at the present time about 43,600 vol- 
umes ; and this enumeration includes the files of bound news- 
papers, bound manuscripts, and the Dowse Collection, but 
does not yet include the Waterston Collection. The number 
of Waterston books will soon be added to the aggregate, when 
the catalogue is finished, of which 2,850 volumes have been 
duly entered on the cards. The Ellis books are now in process 
of cataloguing, and when the work is finished these too will be 
added to the aggregate. 

On April 5, 1902, Mrs. William B. Rogers, in addition to 
what she had previously given, presented a collection of manu- 
scripts and papers which had belonged to her father, James 
Savage. On December 2, Judge Holmes gave a number of 
papers relating to the Boston Society for the Diffusion of 
Useful Knowledge (1829-1843) which had come to him from 
his father, Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes. On December 11, our 
associate Mr. Schouler gave a large collection of manuscripts 
which belonged to his father, William Schouler, late Adjutant- 
General of the Commonwealth, many of which relate to the 
War of the Rebellion. On the same day a large collection of 
papers formerly belonging to the late Thomas C. Amory, a 
Resident Member, was received from the descendants of Hugh 
Amory in Boston. 

The number of pamphlets now in the Library, including 
duplicates, is 105,398 ; and the number of broadsides, includ- 
ing duplicates, is 4,080. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Samuel A. Green, 

April 9, 1903. 

The Cabinet-Keeper read his Annual Report : — 

Report of the Cabinet- Keeper. 

The Cabinet-Keeper would report that the most interesting 
gifts to the Cabinet during the year have been the portraits in 
oil by William Morris Hunt of our former associates Chief- 
Justice Lemuel Shaw and Governor John Albion Andrew, 


bequeathed to the Society by our late associate Mr. Justice 
Horace Gray, and the marble bust of our former associate the 
Hon. Edward Everett, by Thomas Ball, from the executor 
of the late George W. Wales, Esq., of Boston. 
The other gifts have been : — 

A button, with a monogram USA, and a broken buckle found on 
taking down a fireplace in an old house in Watertown many years ago, 
which were exhibited by Hon. Robert C. Winthrop at a meeting of the 
Society on January 13, 1876. From Mrs. Anne Outram Bangs. 

A framed engraving of Henry Wheaton (Brown Univ., 1802) by 
T. Johnson. From William V. Kellen. 

A set of postage currency (50, 25, 10, and 5 cents), 1862. From 
Robert C. Winthrop, Jr. 

A photograph of a portrait of Rev. Caleb Cushing, Minister of 
Salisbury, 1697-1752, in the possession of Mr. John N. Cushing, of 

A half-tone copy of a perspective view of Boston Harbor, showing 
the Men-of-War landing the Twenty-ninth and Fourteenth Regiments 
on October 1, 1768, taken from the original water-color sketch by Chris- 
tian Remick painted for John Hancock. From Frederick J. Libbie. 

A photograph, by Pach Brothers, Cambridge, of a portrait of John 
G. Palfrey by Rembrandt Peale. From Rev. Edward Everett 
Hale, D.D. 

A half-tone group of " One Hundred Massachusetts Notabilities." 
From Mr. A. Shuman. 

A photogravure view of the " Harvard Gate, Cambridge." From 
Hon. Samuel A. Green. 

A half-tone view of the " Suffolk Savings Bank Building, Tremont 
Street, in 1868," taken on May 15 or 16 of that year, has been pro- 
cured by purchase. 

Marble pedestals of uniform style have been procured for 
the busts in the Dowse Library and in the Hall ; and the pic- 
tures in the Hall and anterooms, as well as the busts, have 
been suitably labelled for the convenience of visitors. Dining 
the coming year all the pictures and portraits in the building 
will probably be labelled in similar manner. 

The Cabinet has continued to be open on Wednesday after- 
noons, though the attendance has not been large. The Cabinet- 
Keeper has once or twice met scholars from the schools in the 
neighborhood who have visited the room and examined the 
collections with interest, and hopes that by giving the assur- 


ance of a cordial welcome their example may be followed by 
others, who will thus have their interest in historical matters 
stimulated. The room is now opened for the use of members 
during the hour preceding each monthly meeting of the 

The use of the room during the dark afternoons of the past 
winter has shown the necessity of making provision for light- 
ing it, and within a short time fixtures corresponding to those 
in other parts of the building will be put in position. 

The request made last year for photographs of members 
who have been elected during the year, as well as of such of 
longer standing as have not already furnished them for the 
Cabinet, is again repeated. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Henry F. Jenks, 

April 9, 1903. Cabinet-Keeper. 

Mr. Nathaniel Paine read the report of the Committee 
appointed to examine the Cabinet and the Library: — 

Mr. President, — The Committee appointed to examine the 
Library and Cabinet of the Society have attended to the duty 
assigned them, and have only to report these departments to 
be in a most satisfactory condition. The management of the 
Library and Cabinet is conducted upon such lines as renders 
changes in their care and administration seldom necessary. 
This Committee have so recently become members of the So- 
ciety that they are comparatively unacquainted with their 
duties ; they have, however, visited the rooms in use for 
library purposes, and were much impressed with the impor- 
tance and value of the Society's collections, and they con- 
gratulate the members upon the good condition of the historical 
treasures under the care of the Librarian and his assistants. 

The large collection of printed matter relating to the Civil 
War, probably the most complete in the United States, has 
steadily increased in size and value. It was begun immedi- 
ately after the close of the war by Dr. Green, and it would 
hardly be possible at this time to make another collection of 
such importance and completeness. The Committee regret 
that its present location in the building does not make it as 
convenient for the student of history as would seem desirable. 


The collection of newspapers, while not large, is of much 
value to the local historian, but this, too, is not conveniently 
located for easy reference, and, we understand, is not very 
largely consulted. The Committee were pleased, however, 
with this department, especially with the strength of the 
bindings of the larger volumes, and with the device for taking 
them from the shelves without danger of damage to the 

The cheerful appearance of the Waterston library, with its 
lining of two thousand handsome volumes, made it seem to 
your Committee an ideal place for study, and they were 
tempted to linger and enjoy its delightful and restful 

Your Committee were glad to find that the valuable collec- 
tion of manuscript matter is well arranged and made easy of 
access and study by reason of the carefully prepared card cata- 
logue now well advanced toward completion. The rarity and 
historical value of the manuscripts render it necessary to take 
especial care for their safety and preservation, but to be of 
real use they should be made available to the student of his- 
tory, under such restrictions as are consistent with the objects 
of the Society. 

The Library now numbers some 45,000 volumes, exclusive of 
the bound volumes of newspapers, which would add about one 
thousand more. 

Your Committee visited the Cabinet under the guidance of 
Henry F. Jenks, the enthusiastic custodian, and were inter- 
ested in the collection of portraits, engravings, relics, and 
curiosities brought to their attention. Much has been ac- 
complished in spite of the disadvantage of the lack of room, 
and merits our most hearty approval. It would seem, how- 
ever, that if all articles offered, of even local interest, were to 
be received, it would be necessary to provide more room, and 
it has been suggested, and your Committee consider the sug- 
gestion a good one, that drawers or closets with show cases on 
the top might be placed against the wall on the east side of the 
room. This would give a chance to arrange the present collec- 
tion more conveniently, and also provide for a limited increase 
in the future. If more than this should be needed, there is 
sufficient room to erect an addition to the building at the 
rear to be lighted from the top, but your Committee only 


mention this as a suggestion that may be considered in the 

The Committee cannot close their report without expressing 
their high appreciation of the services of Dr. Samuel A. Green, 
our Librarian, and his eflicient assistants. 

Nath. Paine. 

John Osborne Sumner. 

Grenville H. Norcross. 

Boston, April 9, 1903. 

Mr. James F. Rhodes, from the Committee to nominate 
officers for the ensuing year, reported the following list, and 
the several candidates were duly elected : — 

For President. 

For Vice-Presidents. 


For Recording Secretary. 

For Corresponding Secretary. 

For Treasurer. 

For Librarian. 

For Cabinet-Keeper. 

For Members at Large of the Council. 



Dr. Green having been elected to two offices, Rev. Dr. 
James De Normandie, on motion of Mr. Rhodes in behalf 
of the Nominating Committee, was elected an additional mem- 
ber of the Council, to serve until the next Annual Meeting, in 
order that that body should not be reduced below the number 
of thirteen persons. 

A new serial of the proceedings, containing the record of 
the January, February, and March meetings, was ready for 
distribution at this meeting. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 14th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President, Charles Francis 
Adams, LL.D., in the chair. 

The record of the Annual Meeting was read and approved ; 
and the Librarian, the Corresponding Secretary, and the Cab- 
inet-Keeper submitted the customary reports for the preceding 

Mr. Waldo Lincoln, of Worcester, was elected a Resident 

Messrs. Edward J. Young, Alexander McKenzie, and Charles 
C. Smith were re-appointed the Committee for publishing the 

Messrs. Samuel A. Green and Charles C. Smith were ap- 
pointed a Committee to publish a Catalogue of the Waterston 
Library, in accordance with the terms of Mr. Waterston's will. 

The President reported from the Council that since the last 
meeting the Treasurer had received from Messrs. Thomas 
Minns and Joseph S. Kendall, surviving executors of the will 
of Robert Charles Billings, the sum of ten thousand dollars, 
and on his motion the following votes were adopted: — 

Voted, That the Massachusetts Historical Society gratefully 
accept the gift of Ten thousand Dollars, made to said Society 
by Thomas Minns and Joseph S. Kendall, surviving executors 
of the Will of Robert Charles Billings, from the remainder of 
the estate distributed by them in accordance with the terms 
of said will and a decree of the Supreme Judicial Court of 
Massachusetts, dated April 1, 1903. 

Voted, That said Society also accept the conditions of said 
gift, making said sum a permanent fund of Ten thousand 
Dollars, to be called the Robert Charles Billings Fund, — the 
income only to be used for publications. And the Treasurer 
of said Society is hereby authorized to receive and receipt for 
the same. 


The President said that he returned only yesterday from 
his European trip, and had had no opportunity to make any 
preparations for this meeting. Since he came into the room 
he had heard with regret of the death of two Resident Mem- 
bers ; and he would therefore ask the senior Vice-President, 
Dr. Green, to make the formal announcement customary on 
such an occasion. 

Hon. Samuel A. Green said : — 

Since the last meeting two names have been stricken by 
death from the roll of our Resident Members. 

John Tyler Hassam died after a long illness, on April 22, at 
his residence in this city. He was chosen a member of the 
Society on November 10, 1881 ; and during the period of 
time since then his scholarly work in historical investigation 
has fully justified his election. The Proceedings have often 
been enriched by communications from his pen, and they all 
have been marked by the accuracy and thoroughness of a 
conscientious student. 

His classmate, the Reverend Mr. Jenks, who conducted the 
services at Mr. Hassam's funeral, will pay the customary 
tribute to his character. 

William Sumner Appleton died at his home in Boston, on 
April 28, from a stroke of apoplexy which seized him in 
November last. He was chosen a member of the Society 
on May 13, 1869 ; and until stricken down by his fatal illness 
he was not only one of the most constant attendants at the 
meetings, but a frequent contributor to the Proceedings. 
Among antiquarian scholars Mr. Appleton was well known 
as an expert in genealogy and heraldry, and in numismatics 
he perhaps had no equal in the country. His collection of 
coins and medals is notable among numismatists, and prob- 
ably surpassed in value that of any other individual. At the 
Annual Meeting in 1873 he was placed on the Council of the 
Society, and at the end of one year's service he was chosen to 
the position of Cabinet-Keeper, which office he held for six 

The Reverend Dr. Slafter, who knew Mr. Appleton well 
in his three branches of antiquarian science, will speak to 
his memory. 

I take occasion, also, to announce the death of an old friend 


who, although not a member of the Society, was closely con- 
nected with its work, as his father was before him. I allude 
to John Wilson, the younger, who under the firm name of 
John Wilson & Son had been the printers of its publications 
for a period of forty-five years. Their business connection 
with the Society began as early as 1858, when they were 
established in School Street in this city ; and during all this 
time the relations between them and the members have been 
close and pleasant. Mr. Wilson, the father, was an authority 
on matters of punctuation, and the author of a standard work 
on the subject ; and the son inherited a critical taste for these 
matters as well as for questions of rhetoric. Many members 
of the Society have had occasion to avail themselves of his 
accuracy and experience while their communications were 
passing through the press. At one period, a long time ago, 
he was in the habit of coming to the rooms twice a week, at a 
fixed hour, for the purpose of consulting the Publishing Com- 
mittee and others in regard to papers in process of printing. 

His funeral takes place this afternoon, and, owing to the 
inability of both Mr. Smith and myself to attend, Mr. Tuttle, 
the first assistant in the Library, has gone to Mount Auburn 
to act for the Society in paying the last tribute of respect to 
his memory. 

Mr. Henry G. Denny spoke substantially as follows : — 

I have just now come from the funeral of John Wilson, and 
am pleased to find, from the closing remarks of our Vice- 
President, that the passing away of one to whose skill and 
faithfulness this Society owes so much is duly noticed here. 

For forty years I availed mj^self of his services, and, for a 
part of that time, of those of his father ; and I feel that to have 
had, and perhaps profited by, an acquaintance with Charles 
Folsom, Marshall T. Bigelow, and John Wilson, father and 
son, — men who by their delicate taste, good judgment, and 
accurate scholarship raised their calling, as far as they were 
concerned, from a handcraft to a fine art, — was a long step 
toward a liberal education. 

The elder Wilson, beginning with but limited educational 
and social advantages, became by his own efforts an excellent 
linguist and an accomplished theologian, — a scholar and the 


associate of scholars. His three important works on Unitarian- 
ism have often been reprinted, while his "Treatise on English 
Punctuation," originally published scores of years ago in Great 
Britain, has passed through many editions, and is still the 
standard work on that subject. A warm admirer of Robert 
Burns, he wrote, for an edition of his works published in Bel- 
fast, Ireland, in 1837, an essay on his genius and character; 
and, being chosen to preside at a large dinner at the Revere 
House in Boston, January 25, 1859, on the hundredth anni- 
versary of the poet's birth, he delivered on that occasion an 
address which may well hold a place with the writings of the 
best masters of English style. 

The last time that I saw the younger Wilson, not very long 
ago, he brought to the Boston-Library Society, as a gift, a copy 
of his father's Burns address; and when I called his attention 
to the prominent place which the work on punctuation had 
among our reference-books, with filial pride he spoke of the 
wide range and excellent judgment of his father's reading, as 
shown by his many selections from the best English authors, 
forming not merely useful examples for the illustration of 
rules, but an anthology of choice excerpts. 

Brought up by such a father, and living under his daily in- 
fluence, it is not surprising that, through the whole of his 
business-life, Mr. Wilson was true to the best traditions of 
his craft, and that the work of John Wilson & Son always 
maintained its excellence, unchanged by the absurd craze for 
novelty which causes the disfiguring of so much printer's 
work. Though his few published writings were in every way 
creditable, he has made no lasting additions to literature ; but 
he has left to us the memory of unsurpassed typography, of 
faithful friendship, and of an honorable life. 

Rev. Henry F. Jenks said : — 

I do not mean at this time to enter into any elaborate biog- 
raphy of our late associate John Tyler Hassam. I have known 
him as a schoolmate, a college classmate, and for forty years 
as a friend and associate in many walks of life, and always 
found in him the same qualities of industry, fidelity, accuracy, 
tireless perseverance, and good nature. 

He was born in Boston, September 20, 1841, and spent his 


whole life there. From one of the grammar schools of the 
city at which he had been a recipient of a Franklin medal, 
the highest distinction a Boston boy can receive, he came to 
the Public Latin School, to fit for college, and graduated in 
1859, again winning a Franklin medal. He graduated from 
Harvard College in the class of 1863. Having given evidence 
of some poetical talent and of the possession of a lively wit, 
he was elected poet of his class, but his innate modesty led him 
to the most unusual step of resigning the position. His college 
rank was fair, and he made many close fellowships among his 
fellows. Within a short time after graduation, he entered the 
army and served for a few months as second lieutenant in a 
colored regiment. He then returned to Boston, and began 
the study of his profession, and in 1867 was admitted to 
the bar. Most of his subsequent working life was spent in 
the Registry of Deeds in Boston. He devoted himself to con- 
veyancing, and soon won a reputation as an accurate and 
painstaking student of the records, and an authority in all 
matters pertaining to the law of real estate. 

Whatever time he could spare from his professional pur- 
suits he employed in cognate lines. He studied the history of 
his family and wrote many genealogical monographs. His 
various publications, many of which appeared originally in 
the Proceedings of this Society, or in the New-England 
Historical and Genealogical Register, were marked by care 
and painstaking accuracy and a thorough mastery of his 

He was extremely proud of his descent from the old school- 
master Ezekiel Cheever, and gave much attention to working 
out the genealogy of the Cheever family. He dispelled the 
tradition that the old master was a boy at St. Paul's School, 
by proving conclusively that he was educated at Christ's 
Church Hospital, and in consequence a " blue coat boy." 

He was a member of the New-England Historic Genealog- 
ical Society, of the American Historical Association, a charter 
member of the Bostonian Society, and a member of other 
historical societies. 

He was deeply interested in having an index of the New- 
England Historical and Genealogical Register made, and as 
chairman of a committee of the Historic Genealogical Society 
was instrumental in securing the funds which rendered pos- 


sible the investigations of our associate Mr. Henr\ T F. Waters 
in England, one of the most satisfactory results of which was 
the discovery of the birth and parentage of John Harvard. 

Elected a member of this Society in 1881, he was a fairly 
constant attendant upon our meetings until his health began 
to fail ; after we removed to this building he attended only 
one or two meetings. While never an officer of the Society, 
he was a frequent contributor to its Proceedings, and the list 
of his papers first published in them is both large and 

By his professional brethren his efforts to preserve from 
decay the records in the Registry of Deeds and to render 
them more accessible to the public were fully appreciated. 
The twelve printed volumes of the Suffolk Deeds, each of 
which contains an introduction written by himself, and the 
improved indexes which do much to simplify the labor and 
lessen the expense of the examination of titles are a monu- 
ment to his industry, his skill, and untiring patience. He 
has perpetuated the memory of the successive incumbents of 
the office of Register of Deeds, as well as of Probate. 

To him is largely due the systematic arrangement of the 
records, files, papers, and documents in charge of the Secre- 
tary of State at the State House, by which they are easily 
consulted and referred to. He also, some thirty or more years 
ago, brought to the attention of the Aldermen of Boston, the 
unsafe condition of a portion of the original court files of Suf- 
folk County, then deposited in the basement of the Court 
House, and secured an appropriation by which they were re- 
moved to safer quarters, and put into a condition to be better 

His intelligent exposition and pertinacious advocacy of the 
Torrens system of land registration contributed largely to its 
establishment in Massachusetts. 

Whatever he undertook he carried out faithfully, and never 
spared himself if by his labor he could secure its success. He 
was firm in his opinions, and contended stoutly for them, but 
never harbored resentment against those who opposed him. 
He could give strong blows, and he was ready to receive them. 
In his chosen pursuits his life has been most useful and fruit- 
ful in results, and by his patience and activity the way has 
been made easier for many who will follow him. His class- 


mutes and friends were always attached to him. They will 
miss him in their gatherings, and cannot but feel that had 
added years been allowed him he would have secured even 
greater results for the interests he had at heart. 

Rev. Dr. Edmund P. Slafter, having been called upon, 
spoke of Mr. Appleton in substance as follows: — 

Somewhat more than fifty years ago there was at Jamaica 
Plain a famous school kept by Mr. and Mrs. Charles W. 
Greene. It was especially distinguished as an excellent and 
safe home for small boys. Madam Greene was a woman of 
fine temper, good breeding, intelligence, and refinement, and 
the boys were heartily fond of her. The Greenes were mem- 
bers of the parish of Saint John's Church, of which I was at 
that time the rector. A group of the boys occupied seats 
directly in front of my reading-desk. Among them was 
William Sumner Appleton, then a lad of not more than nine 
or ten years of age. I had no special acquaintance with the 
boys. I saw them occasionally at their games in the spacious 
grounds of the school, which were on the street directly oppo- 
site to Saint John's Church. They naturally knew me better 
than I knew them. When the time arrived for young Apple- 
ton to leave the school, he came to my house, wholly unex- 
pected by me, to bid me good-bye. 1 I was touched by this 
incident at the time, and I regarded it then, as I do now, as a 
mark of the delicate and proper training which he had re- 
ceived at home. 

Some twelve years later we met here in Boston in the vari- 
ous societies of which we were both members. While our ac- 
quaintance was hardly intimate, it was always most agreeable. 

There were three branches of study which Mr. Appleton 
pursued with great satisfaction : Genealogy, Heraldry, and 
Numismatics. Having inherited an ample fortune, he was at 
liberty to follow absolutely his own inclinations and tastes. 

Genealogy in its narrow sense is dry and sterile, like the 
dead branch of a tree which has neither sap nor foliage. A 
good example may be seen in the first chapter of the Gospel of 
Saint Matthew. Here we have genealogy pure and simple. 

1 Mr. and Mrs. Greene were succeeded in the school by Mr. and Mrs. Vinson, 
who conducted it in the same admirable manner as the Greenes did, and it is highly 
probable that the Vinsons were in charge when young Appleton left the school. 



" Phares begat Esrom," but whether lie ever did anything else 
no one living, then or now, has vouchsafed to give us any in- 
formation. He was, so far as we know, a simple link in a 
monotonous chain. Nothing can be more arid than such a mo- 
notony. It is hardly matched in that branch of the literature 
of the law which abounds and superabounds in " aforesaids." 
But the aforesaid is a necessity. Without it we should never 
be sure that our legacies would reach the legatees, or that our 
real property belonged to us or to somebody else. 

Genealogy takes on a new interest, however, when it relates 
to one's own ancestors. There are few persons who are en- 
tirely indifferent to their forebears. Mr. Appleton's work in 
this line of study was connected entirely with his own family 
and its various branches. He traced the Appletons back into 
England, and found them of great respectability and of some 
distinction. He likewise traced, link by link, numerous cog- 
nate families to their earliest generation in this country. 
Among them are the Coffins, the Bakers, the Olivers, and the 
S umners. His researches were published for the most part in 
the New-England Historical and Genealogical Register and 
in the American Journal of Numismatics. Reprints were 
generally obtained by him for private circulation. In the 
catalogue of this Society there are over thirty titles of pam- 
phlets published by Mr. Appleton, nearly all of them con- 
taining researches in genealogy. 

•His largest work related to the Sumner family, in which he 
was especially interested through his mother, who was de- 
scended from William Sumner, the immigrant ancestor, whose 
full name Mr. Appleton himself bore. 

General William H. Sumner had printed an imperfect 
sketch of his branch of the family. Its imperfections created 
a zeal in Mr. Appleton to produce something better, which re- 
sulted, after very wide researches; in an unusually accurate 
volume of more than two hundred pages. This work is a tes- 
timony to his love of kindred, and a memorial of his loyalty to 
his family. A printed book, widely disseminated, is a truer, 
richer, and more lasting monument than ambitious sepulchral 
structures covered over with eulogistic inscriptions. The 
most magnificent mausoleum erected in ancient times has long 
since crumbled, and a few scattered fragments only remain to 
tell that it ever existed. 


Mr. Appleton was interested in the science of heraldry as 
an adjunct to his favorite study of genealogy. They natu- 
rally move on together. The two play into each other and 
are thus mutually helpful. He was fortunate not only in 
tracing his family line back into England, which is possible to 
only a few, comparatively, of the early settlers of Massachu- 
setts, but he was rewarded by obtaining satisfactory evidence 
that they were entitled to bear arms, and that they were so 
recognized by the College of Heralds. These achievements 
were not attained without a long process of painstaking and 
vigilant study. The history of heraldry is one thing and the 
science of heraldry is quite another. Mr. Appleton com- 
passed the whole subject. He made himself master of the 
science in all its details. He became familiar with its no- 
menclature, and was fully competent to marshal a coat of 
arms, to arrange every part on the escutcheon in its proper 
order and according to the rules and requirements of good 
heraldry. To most men this study of dry details would be 
irksome and without any adequate intellectual reward. But 
to Mr. Appleton it was always an inspiring and buoyant pleas- 
ure. I think I am safe in saying that his knowledge of the 
subject in its comprehension and in its minutiae was not over- 
matched by that of any student of the science in this country. 

The last of the three subjects which occupied Mr. Apple- 
ton's attention especially, was the science of numismatics. 
He entered upon this study early in life, and carried it for- 
ward in the most practical way. The beginning of his study 
and the beginning of his immense collection were coincident. 
Every coin and every medal which he added to his cabinet 
was carefully investigated, as to its origin, its history, and its 
significance. By this practical method he accumulated a vast 
amount of historical information. Around each coin and each 
medal, ancient or modern, clustered notable and important 
events, which with their associations were indelibly impressed 
upon the mind. 

He traversed the whole subject of our American coinage, 
the setting up of a mint, the emblems and devices which were 
to distinguish and embellish our coins, the abandonment of 
the English method of money of account to which we had 
been accustomed for centuries for our more simple and con- 
venient decimal system, the relative value of silver and gold, 


the alloy to be given to our coins, and many other minor 
points in the adjustment of our coinage. This adjustment 
was as difficult as it was important. It stretched through a 
period of ten years. From 1783 to 1793 we had no coinage 
of our own. For this period we adopted, by legislative pro- 
visions, the Spanish coinage, which gave us a convenient cur- 
rency. ' All these important questions, which occupied the 
attention of the Congress for a whole decade, Mr. Appleton 
studied with a characteristic interest and satisfaction. 

His collection of coins and medals went on increasing in 
numbers and value to the last, although of late years he added 
for the most part only those of great rarity. It is not at this 
time possible to give any very accurate statement as to the 
extent and richness of the collection. I do not, however, 
hesitate to say that it is my impression that it would be dif- 
ficult to match it by any other private collection in the 
United States. 

From his abundant knowledge, Mr. Appleton often contrib- 
uted critical and valuable papers to our Proceedings, to the 
Journal of Numismatics, and to various serial publications. 

His style was clear and concise, but hardly graceful or mag- 
netic. There is in historical writing an element of imagina- 
tion which adds to its attractiveness and its completeness. 
It is extremely subtle and scarcely yields to definition. It 
does not supply new facts or create new events, but it lifts 
a subject up into the light, and imparts to it a glow, a pic- 
turesqueness, and a peculiar fascination. This Mr. Appleton 
did not possess. Had this quality been added to his memoir 
of Mr. William H. Whitmore, published in our Proceedings, 
it would have been a model of this kind of writing. His ap- 
pendix to this memoir contains the titles of sixty publications, 
arranged in chronological order, indicating, as no general de- 
scription could do, the quality, value, and extent of Mr. VVhit- 
more's work. This is a valuable adjunct and might well be 
followed in all of our published memoirs. 

In closing these remarks, I desire to say that the crowning 
excellence of Mr. Appleton's work, in the three classes to 
which I have briefly referred, is his uniform thoroughness. 
He left nothing unfinished which an untiring energy and zeal 
could compass. There is a vast difference between a careful 
and a superficial investigation. Doubtless errors may be 


found in his treatment of the subjects to which lie gave his 
attention, but doubtless they are as few as can be found 
in any writer on the same subjects in tins generation. He 
searched for a missing date or an unauthenticated event as 
the hunter pursues his game; and he never gave over his 
pursuit until the lacuna was supplied. 

I remember to have seen somewhere an ancient apothegm 
attributed to Periander, one of the reputed seven wise men 
of Greece. It has been transmitted to us in these words, 
MeXerrj to irav^ which, in a liberal translation, means that 
care and diligence will overcome all obstacles. It is so char- 
acteristic and so appropriate that it might well be emblaz- 
oned forever as a motto on the shield of Mr. Appleton's coat 
of arms. 

Rev. Henry F. Jenks was appointed to write the memoir 
of Mr. Hassam for publication in the Proceedings, and Mr. 
Charles C. Smith to write the memoir of Mr. Appleton. 

Mr. William R. Thayer, who had been appointed to rep- 
resent the Society at the recent Congress of Historical Sciences, 
in Rome, made an oral report substantially as follows : — 

The International Congress of Historical Sciences, at which 
I had the honor to represent this Society, met at Rome April 
1-9. More than eighteen hundred persons attended it, and 
among them were delegates from eighteen different countries, 
but I regret to say that, of the few delegates expected from 
the United States, I was the only one present. It is most 
desirable that we should be fully represented at these world- 
gatherings, for in Europe the opinion still prevails that the 
United States are not to be reckoned with in culture, science, 
or intellectual achievements. 

Most of the sessions of the Congress were held in the halls 
of the Collegio Romano, the chief lycee of Rome. Every clay 
each of the dozen sections and sub-sections into which the 
Congress was divided sat three hours in the morning, and 
again three hours in the afternoon. The work consisted of 
two kinds : general discussions of methods and comprehensive 
topics, and the reading of papers on special subjects. Many 
distinguished men took part. From England, to mention only 
a few, came James Bryce, Frederick Harrison, Professor Ma- 


haffy, Sir Alfred Lyall, Sir Frederick Pollock, Sir Richard 
Jebb, Professor D. B. Monro, Professor Yorke Powell, and 
Horatio F. Brown, the historian of Venice. France sent a 
very large delegation, the government itself having appointed 
a member from the faculty of each university ; among them 
were Paul Meyer, Dubois, Guillaume, Gabriel Monod, De Cour- 
cel, and Paul Sabatier — the most widely known of all. The 
lion among the Germans was Adolf Harnack. Pastor, head of 
the Austrian School at Rome, and author of a recent History of 
the Papacy, headed the Austro-Hungarian members. And so 
on, country by country, specialty by specialty, were found men 
of distinction ; but nothing could better illustrate the extent to 
which specialization has been carried than the fact that many 
of these celebrities were unknown beyond their narrow field. 
How many members of this Society, for instance, recognize the 
name of the Russian Modestov, or can tell what he has done? 
And yet he was made a vice-president of the Congress. 

The term u historical sciences " was purposely elastic, and 
included numismatics, archaeology, classical philology, fine 
arts, historical geography, sciences, and diplomatics, besides 
history proper, the only unifying principle being that each 
subject should be treated, so far as possible, in its historical 
or evolutionary aspect. 

In addition to the routine discussions and papers, there 
were a few general lectures of capital importance. Harnack 
summarized his criticism of the date of the New Testament. 
Boni, who has superintended the excavations at the Forum, 
described what has been discovered there, and, in a second 
lecture, he took up the Campanile of St. Mark's. Lanciani 
spoke on the Forma Urbis, that remarkable stone map of 
Rome at the time of Septimus Severus, fragments of which 
have been set up on the wall of the courtyard of the Palace 
of the Senators. Pernier and Cerola reported on the work of 
the Italian archaeologists in Crete. 

The officers of the Congress, the municipal authorities, and 
the Government spared no pains to entertain the " Congress- 
ists." King Victor Emanuel and Queen Helena attended the 
opening ceremonies at the Capitol, where Prince Prospero 
Colonna, the Syndic of Rome, Nasi, Secretary of Public In- 
struction, and our associate Professor Pasquale Villari, the 
President of the Congress, delivered addresses. There was a 


reception on the Palatine ; an illumination of the Colosseum ; 
a reception by the Syndic; a concert, at which specimens of 
choral music composed at different epochs were sung ; and 
a court banquet, to which a few of the more distinguished 
delegates were invited. Finally, a large party went on an 
excursion to Norba and Sermoneta. 

To summarize the work of such a congress is impossible. 
No single individual could take part in more than a little of 
its work ; but the impression I got, from what I personally 
observed, and from what members of various other sections 
told me of their experience, was that a great many valuable 
papers were presented, and many discussions were held from 
which much good will come. The obvious benefit — a bene- 
fit of itself worth a long journey — was the personal acquaint- 
ances one made with men of kindred pursuits, men whose 
books one had long been familiar with or whose reputation is 

And of all places in the world, what could be so fit as 
Rome for an historical congress? A man must have been 
dull indeed whose imagination was not stirred by the asso- 
ciations of the Eternal City. 

Listening to the inaugural ceremonies in the great hall of 
the Capitol, which has itself witnessed so many historic 
events, and stands on the spot where, from the earliest 
times, the official power of Rome had its seat, I felt the 
spell of Rome and the significance of history, the continuity, 
in spite of interruptions and gaps, as never before. And it 
seemed most natural that the representatives of all the nations 
should be assembled there, whither for ages the steps of civ- 
ilized men had turned on many errands. Of old the Capitol 
had seen conquerors, tribute-bearers, suppliants, barbarians, 
spoilers, pilgrims mount its slopes ; last April it welcomed 
the hosts of science and culture, bringers of good-will, friends 
of peace, devotees of progress. 

Before proceeding to call for communications from the sec- 
tion of the day, the President said, while away, he had 
again been chosen — the ninth successive election — Presi- 
dent of the Society. Thanking his associates for the com- 
pliment thus conferred, he was none the less by it somewhat 
painfully reminded of the rapid passage of time. It forcibly 


recalled the fact that he was already far advanced in the 
ninth year of his occupancy of the President's chair, dating 
that occupancy from the death of Dr. Ellis in December, 
1894. Dr. Ellis had then been successor to Mr. Winthrop 
for over nine years ; so that the three terms, taken together, 
lack now but two years of covering a full half-century. 

It had never been the custom for the President of the 
Society to do more upon a re-election than briefly to return 
thanks for a compliment conferred. An annual address was 
not expected, nor in accordance with precedent; and, in these 
days of unending inaugurals, it was not intended to deviate 
from this highly commendable practice. Meanwhile, on the 
present occasion, Mr. Adams said he had a paper of another 
nature to submit, and he would avail himself of a re-election 
to submit it, in whole or in part, before going on with the 
regular order. He would ask for precedence. He then read 
the following : — 

It savors, I feel, of presumption, when in these days return- 
ing from an ordinary vacation trip across the Atlantic, to speak 
of one's impressions and conclusions. Especially is this so if 
the only spots visited have been those now become the regu- 
lar winter stamping-grounds of tourists. It was not always 
so ; for, even within my own recollection, the tracks I have 
this winter gone over — leaving Boston in February and 
getting back in May — afforded Thackeray the material for 
his " Cornhill to Cairo," Kinglake that for " Eothen," and 
George William Curtis that for the ''Nile Notes of a How- 
adji," — classics all. The novelty of sixty years ago is now a 
commonplace ; and I do not propose to attempt the path they 
trod. Meanwhile, in one single respect, this trip of mine to 
Greece and Egypt offers an aspect not without interest 
to those composing such a Society as ours. In the course of 
it I, so to speak, came up against Herodotus ; and, to a com- 
pany of his disciples, an impact with the Father of History 
can hardly fail to afford food for reflection. 

It chanced, also, that a homeward voyage of twelve days 
from Naples to New York proved, as is not unusual, more or 
less monotonous ; so I pleasantly beguiled morning hours, 
which would otherwise have been wearisome, by putting on 
paper certain impressions made on me by what I had seen 


in the regions I had visited, and drawing conclusions there- 
from. While those impressions and conclusions may he of 
little value, — if, indeed, of any value at all, — certain of them 
did have an historical bearing. For this reason I propose 
this afternoon to impart them ; and it will be for the Editor 
to decide whether what I say is worthy of a place in our 
printed Proceedings. I will merely further premise that, 
neither while abroad nor while on the steamship, did I 
have access to any authorities or works of reference, ex- 
cept a translation of Herodotus, and my guide-books of 
Egypt and Greece. I do not, therefore, know whether any- 
thing novel is to be found in what I have written; nor, 
indeed, do I care to ascertain. I leave that task to the Editor. 
What I now propose is to contribute to an afternoon's en- 
tertainment here, — whether at my own expense or that 
of the Father of History is immaterial ; nor greatly matters. 
Being in Cairo, and about to start on a river trip up the 
Nile, I bethought me to purchase a copy of Herodotus, — 
not in the original tongue, as, by silence on that point, I fear 
I might seem to imply. Long disuse, superadded to what I 
will refer to as a natural infirmity in my knowledge of Greek, 
reduced me to the ignominy of a translation ; so I took Cary's 
rendering with me as a guide-book of Egypt and of Greece, 
to which last-named country, also, I proposed later to go. In 
both Egypt and Greece that copy of Cary's Herodotus was my 
pocket companion ; and, needless to add, 1 found the Halicar- 
nassian, even in that disguise, a very instructive as well as 
entertaining companion. It was fifty years since I had read 
his narrative ; and yet my recollection of it I found clear 
in the main, and not incorrect. Three episodes in the nine 
books I now studied critically, and with peculiar interest, 
because, so to speak, on the spot. These were (1) the 
Second Book, that styled Euterpe, including the famous 
description of Egypt ; (2) that portion of the Sixth Book 
(Erato), containing the account of the Darian irruption, in- 
cluding the battle of Marathon ; and (3) that portion of the 
Eighth Book (Urania) relating to the sea-fight at Salamis. 
It is to those I devoted my attention on my passage home ; 
and, more especially, to the accounts of Marathon and 
Salamis. This, also for a reason sufficiently obvious, when I 
once call attention to it. Possibly there are those among you 



who may have seen a paper of mine entitled " A Plea for 
Military History." That paper I prepared some years ago at 
the request of oar associate Mr. Rhodes, and read it at the 
meeting of the American Historical Association, of which he 
was then President, held in Boston in December, 1899. It 
has since been republished in a volume of recent occasional 
utterances of mine ; 2 and, therein, I venture some criticism of 
the quite unintelligent treatment of military operations by the 
ordinary lay historian, when, as he is so fond of doing, he 
undertakes to deal with them. On this topic, however, — I 
confess, a hobby of mine, — my views may be found set forth 
with all necessary clearness in the printed volumes of our 
Proceedings, 2 and I will not repeat what I have thus already 
more than once said. But, on this subject, I now found my- 
self, as I have said, up against Herodotus. On the field of 
Marathon, and overlooking the bay of Salamis, I read and 
studied his narrative of those two memorable engagements. 

But first of the book entitled Euterpe, and the much 
lauded account of Egypt. I read this while going up the Nile, 
and amid the ruins of Memphis and of Thebes, with the 
Pyramids almost in sight; and I must confess to a distinct sense 
of disappointment. Of that description of Egypt and the 
Egyptians, as they appeared in the eyes of an acute foreign 
observer nearly twenty-five hundred years ago, we have all 
heard ; and more especially of late, when attention has been 
called from time to time to the remarkable confirmation of 
the statements of Herodotus furnished by the results of 
modern research. This may be so, — indeed, I have reason 
to believe it is so; and yet the statements so confirmed seem 
to me, after what I have myself seen, quite inadequate and 
not at all worthy of their fame, or of so keen and observing a 
traveller as Herodotus unquestionably must have been. Taken 
as a whole, they are, I submit, what we would now class as 
distinctly superficial, not to say commonplace. 

The circumstances of time and locality must be recalled. 
Herodotus visited Egypt somewhere about 450 B. c, — that 
is, in the neighborhood of twenty-four hundred years ago. 
He came from a comparatively young country — one just 

i Lee at Appomattox, and other Papers. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. Boston, 

2 Proceedings, Second Series, vol. xiii. p. 103. 


starting on its career — to a country and a civilization al- 
ready old. It was just after the Persian war; and, accord- 
ingly, much as if an observing American, born during our 
War of Independence, or shortly after its close, had visited 
Europe, and undertaken to write of Great Britain, France, or 
Italy, in the earlier years of the last century. Washing-ton 
Irving, for instance, affords a parallel case. The Egypt He- 
rodotus saw was, as respects antiquity, far more remote from 
his time than any institutions or edifices then existing in 
Europe were from the cotemporaries of Washington Irving. 
When Herodotus stood before the Sphinx, — and he unques- 
tionably did stand before it, though of it he makes no men- 
tion, — the Sphinx had already looked out over the Nile 
valley for a thousand years ; the Pyramids of Gizeh had been 
complete for almost twenty centuries ; Memphis was already 
in ruins ; Thebes, of Homer's " hundred gates," and the 
Colossi of Meraiion were passing to decay. Except the Pyra- 
mids, not one of these does Herodotus more than mention. 
Would an American in Rome equally have ignored the Colos- 
seum ? — and yet the Sphinx, the temples of Luxor, and the 
ruins of Sakkara were of greater antiquity then than the Colos- 
seum is now. Memphis in the days of Herodotus was probably 
as famous as Rome and Athens in the time of Washington 
Irving. Cambyses, at the head of his Persians, had stormed it 
three-quarters of a century before ; and though its palaces and 
temples were already deserted and falling to ruin, it was a 
place of importance and great historic interest. It was to 
the countrymen of Herodotus what Rome of the middle ages 
was to transalpine Europe. 

Under these circumstances, what did the famous observer 
and historian, coming from young, unformed Greece, find to 
commemorate in ancient Egypt ? His narrative speaks for 
itself. To Egypt he devotes an entire book ; in Egypt he 
must have remained a considerable time; he plainly traversed 
the whole of it, from the Delta of the Nile to the Elephantin 
cataracts at Assuan. He says of it that " it possesses more 
wonders than any other country, and exhibits works greater 
than can be described" ( B. II. sec. 35) ; therefore, he adds, 
"more must be said about it." What follows is, I submit, 
quite inadequate. Passing the " wonders " over with a mere 
mention of the Pyramids, their methods of construction and 


conjectured cost, though he says of them that they were 
" beyond description, and each of them comparable to many 
of the great Grecian structures" (sec. 148) — he devotes 
a couple of sections (sects. 35, 36) to the customs of the 
people ; another to the not very edifying pilgrimage to Bu- 
bastis (sec. 60), still, by the way, to be witnessed; a third 
to crocodiles, and their habits (sec. 68) ; others to the process 
of embalming (sects. 86-89) ; another to the labyrinth of 
the city of crocodiles, which he says he had himself "seen, 
and found it greater than can be described " (sec. 148). 
Meanwhile the total result of the Greek historian's observa- 
tions, as by him set down, is to the modern sojourner in Egypt 
tantalizing. Devoting to the topic a book of 182 sections, all 
he really tells us of any present interest could easily be com- 
pressed into one-tenth of the space. But what we chiefly 
deplore is the lack of any vivid presentation of the then state 
of great cities and their monuments, now quite obliterated ; 
and of those statues, of which he says " I myself saw that they 
had lost their hands from age, which were seen lying at their 
feet even in my time" (sec. 131). I with confidence sub- 
mit, therefore, that any temporary sojourner in the Egypt of 
to-day cannot but feel that this classic presentation, famous 
as it still is, leaves, when measured by modern standards, much 
to be desired. To speak plainly, distinctly superficial, it is 
remembered, referred to and admired only because it is old, 
Greek and unique. It is lauded traditionally. 

Passing, however, to the far more interesting and, histori- 
cally, important books relating to the Persian invasion, I 
come to the accounts of Marathon and of Salamis. As re- 
spects the former of these two, as in the days of Byron, so 
now, u the mountains look on Marathon, and Marathon looks 
on the sea ; and musing there an hour alone," on the 14th of 
April last, — one month ago to-day, — I came very distinctly 
to the conclusion that Herodotus's account of that famous 
engagement would in no way stand the test of modern military 
and historical criticism. The very topography of the region 
is at variance with it ; and that topography can have under- 
gone no considerable change since Greek and Persian there 
met in conflict. 

Let me emphasize one point at the outset: from the impor- 
tance of the battle of Marathon I am in no way disposed 


to detract. Morally, and as a matter of prestige, it was to the 
Greeks what Bunker Hill was to our forefathers. It inspired 
a race with confidence in itself. But, Herodotus to the con- 
trary notwithstanding, I submit that, no more than Bunker 
Hill, was it, or could it have been, either a general engagement 
or a battle in any way decisive. My reasons for so thinking I 
propose to give ; perhaps many others have already presented 
them in part or in whole. 

First, let me briefly summarize the narrative of Herodotus. 
It is familiar ; and, I believe, has been generally accepted. 
The Persian fleet, he says (B. VI. sec. 95), consisted of six hun- 
dred triremes. Whether the ships specially prepared as 
" transports for horses " (sec. 48) were included among these 
"triremes" is not quite clear (sec. 95); though in his enu- 
meration of the vessels composing the naval force of the sub- 
sequent expeditions of Xerxes the triremes were kept distinct 
from the transports. 1 These certainly were not equipped with 
prows, or otherwise constructed with a view to naval action. 
The horses, we are further specifically told (sec. 95), were put 
on board the transports thus provided for them, and the land 
forces — "a numerous and well-equipped army " — were em- 
barked in the ships; they then sailed for Ionia. Subsequently 
(B. VII. sec. 184) Herodotus computes " two hundred [men] to 
each ship," besides thirty "marines" additional to the crews. 
This was in the Xerxes armament. If the same rule held good 
in that of Darius, the force embarked, supposing the six hun- 
dred triremes constituted the entire armament, apparently 
amounted to about one hundred and forty thousand combatants. 
This armament, after touching at various points, — where suc- 
cessful military operations were conducted, — directed its 
course to Marathon, as " the spot in Attica best adapted for cav- 
alry " (B. VI. sec. 102). The plain of Marathon is about twenty 
miles from Athens, the Persians' objective point; but the inter- 
mediate country is rough, easily defensible, and wholly un- 
adapted to cavalry operations. Marathon plain is wide, and 
affords ample room for the massing and handling of a large 
army ; while the shore of the neighboring gulf supplied a shel- 
tered landing-place for men and horses. The invading force 

1 " The number of triremes amounted to twelve hundred and seven " (B. VII. 
sec. 89) ; " trieeonters, penteconters, light-boats, and long horse-transports were 
found to assemble to the number of three thousand." (Sec. 97.) 


here disembarked (sec. 107) and was drawn Up. The plan of 
operations those in command had in mind is apparent. Mov- 
ing simultaneously by sea and land, they proposed to push their 
cavalry forward through the hills and by Mt. Pentelikon, to the 
plain of Attica beyond. The passes being thus occupied, the 
infantry was to follow hard on the heels of the cavalr}', and 
Athens would be taken in the rear. Meanwhile a portion of 
the naval armament was to round Cape Sunium, occupy the 
bay of Phaleron, and blockade the coast of Attica. Thus 
beleaguered at once by sea and land, Athens must fall into the 
hands of the invaders and could be destroyed, while Attica 
would be desolated and occupied. Such, at least, is the scheme 
of Persian operations which naturally suggested itself to my 
mind, as I read the narrative of Herodotus while looking the 
region over. 

Unfortunately for the success of this scheme, it involved a 
division of force in presence of the enemy ; and of this division 
an enterprising opponent might take advantage to the destruc- 
tion of one or the other detachment. This is exactly what 
occurred. The Greeks were on the alert ; the Persians seem 
to have been sluggish or over-confident. In any event, they 
failed to seize the Pentelikon passes, and the Athenians, 
whether divining the Persian plan of operations or merely 
moving in the direction of the most obvious and pressing 
danger, went out to meet the enemy. Themselves occupy- 
ing the Pentelikon passes, they thus shut up the invading force 
in the comparatively narrow plain of Marathon. The Athe- 
nians occupied the ground on the landward side of the plain; 
the Persians were doubtless encamped immediately in front of 
their vessels. Thus the backs of the Persians were to the sea; 
those of the Athenians to the hills, which also covered their 
flanks. Here the two armies waited some days, observing 
each other. Finally, Herodotus tells us, the Greeks decided to 
assume the offensive. Accordingly, elongating their line to a 
most dangerous extent, so that their front should be as nearly 
as possible equal to that of the Persians, they rushed upon 
them at a run. To effect this formation they had to strengthen 
their flanks, which, when they passed out on to the open plain, 
were necessarily uncovered ; and, by so doing, they attenuated 
their centre. They had no reserve. In this formation they as- 
sailed the Persians. The conflict was general along the line ; 


but, while the Persians successfully resisted the attack of the 
centre, they were routed on both thinks, and the Athenians, 
then closing in on their antagonists, put them to flight. The 
invaders were pursued to their ships, seven of which the 
Greeks captured, the rest getting away. The Persian loss 
was sixty-four hundred men ; that of the Greeks, one hun- 
dred and ninety-two. The statement of the Persian loss, was, 
of course, total ; for in those days no prisoners were taken, 
and the wounded were put to death. Herodotus thus repre- 
sents the battle as a general engagement, and the rout of the 
Persians as complete. 1 

Such, I submit, it in no respect was, nor, by any possibilit}', 
could have been. It was, on the contrary, merely a success- 
ful onslaught on the covering division of an army the great 
body of which had already re-embarked with a view to going 
elsewhere. In the first place, it will be noticed, the Persian 
cavalry, the presence of which was so much emphasized in the 
beginning, has disappeared. No mention is made of it. Had 
it been there, the Greek attack could not have been ventured 
on. Their flanks and rear would have been fatally exposed. 
In the next place, the Persian front, covering six hundred 
beached triremes, would have been of a length which, but for 
the mythical marsh, must have greatly overlapped any possible 
battle formation of a force only ten thousand strong. 2 Viewing 

1 This account of the battle was written, it would seem, somewhere about the 
year 440 b. c, or half a century after the event ; Herodotus himself having been 
born in 484, or six years subsequent to it. He was, accordingly, when he wrote 
his history, between forty and fifty years of age; and, long resident in Athens, 
he had lived in daily intercourse with the cotemporaries and followers of Milti- 
ades. His position as respects information was, therefore, much like that of 
Mr. Webster, who, born seven years after Bunker Hill was fought, delivered his 
oration on the fiftieth anniversary of the day, he then being a man of forty-three. 
There is, it will be remembered by some, a tradition of this Society connected 
with Mr. Webster's oration, illustrative of the little worth of testimony based on 
long subsequent recollection. The statements of his " venerable men " — sur- 
vivors of the battle — were then carefully reduced to writing, and the results de- 
posited for safe-keeping with this Society. Subsequent examination, however, 
disclosed in them such discrepancies, and such wildness of assertion and mani- 
fest error of statement, that the papers were finally returned to the family of 
the donor at their request, and by them, it is understood, afterwards quietly 
destroyed. (Proceedings, vol. ii. pp. 224, 231 n ) It was probably much the 
6ame with the Athenians of the time of Herodotus. Marathon was already a 
legend, the story of which had become quite transformed in frequent telling. 

2 Six hundred triremes, if beached for the purpose of disembarkment, would 
apparently have occupied some five miles of sea front. Ten thousand men in 


the locality, as it exists to-day, the inference is that, at the time 
of the attack, the bulk of the Persian army, including all its 
cavalry, had been re-embarked, and the triremes pushed 
off. A portion of the triremes, probably only a small por- 
tion, yet remained on the shore, covered by a division of the 
army. The Greeks had been watching the operation ; and, the 
conditions favoring, made a fierce onslaught on the withdraw- 
ing invaders, in which they achieved a partial success. But 
the success was partial only ; for, though they routed the Per- 
sian rear guard, they captured only seven triremes (sec. 115) out 
of the total of six hundred. All the rest rowed away, and sub- 
sequently resumed operations elsewhere. Thus, on Herodotus's 
own showing, it was not a general engagement ; nor was it a 
total rout. Had it been either the one or the other, it would 
in the confusion have been utterly impossible to embark the 
horses ; and the idea of the legendary hundred thousand men, 
clambering in panic flight on six hundred triremes high and 
dry on the beach, and getting away with the loss of one in a 
hundred of their vessels and one in sixteen of their effectives, is, 
as a military proposition, simply not worthy of serious consid- 
eration. Indeed, its absurdity seems to have impressed He- 
rodotus more than it has those who have re-told the story after 
him. They have traditionally fixed the invading horde at one 
hundred thousand ; Herodotus, more cautiously, describes it as 
" a numerous and well-equipped army." x As, however, I have 
already pointed out, though he does not commit himself to any 
precise figures, he implies a force far in excess of even the 
legendary one hundred thousand. 

Such is the proposition, stated and inferred, which, passing 
into history, has been traditionally accepted by grave writers 

single rank, close formation without intervals, would not occupy more than four 
fifths of that space. At Marathon, instead of being formed in single rank, the 
middle of the Athenian line of battle was but "few deep; but each wing was 
strong in numbers." (B. VI. sec. 111.) 

i This is noticeable; for, narrating the events of the subsequent invasion, led 
by Xerxes, Herodotus is peculiarly specific in his enumerations both of combat- 
ants and vessels. The triremes he gives at 1207 (B. VII. sec. 89), the transports 
at 3000 (sec. 97). He describes (sec. 60) with great minuteness the method of 
numbering adopted, giving the resulting land force at 1,700,000, and the entire 
Asiatic military and naval array at 2,317,610 (sec. 184); with European auxil- 
iaries, sufficient to carry the muster-roll up to the altogether incredible total of 
5,283,220. These were led by Xerxes "to Sepias and Thermopylae" (sec. 186). 
In this enumeration the camp-followers, so numerous that "no oue could mention 
the number with accuracy," were not included (sec. 187). 


even of our own lime. Yet scarcely one of tlie figures on 
which the proposition is based will bear the test of even the 
most elementary criticism; on the contrary, the account crum- 
bles away in every part when subjected to analysis. The 
Persians never had one hundred thousand, much less one 
hundred and forty thousand, men on the plain of Marathon, 
nor did they there lose sixty-four hundred combatants in 
battle. A hundred thousand men in one body are not trans- 
ported, — embarked, landed and re-embarked, with or without 
the confusion incident to a rout, — as a simple thing of course. 
No such operation has ever yet been conducted. It implies not 
only a vast transport service, but an enormous and intricate 
commissariat and quartermaster organization. All this the lay 
writer is apt to take for granted, — it is something mysteriously 
provided : but, as Napoleon said, an army moves on its belly ; 
so doing, it must either live on the country it traverses, or be 
regularly supplied from an established base close at hand. As 
to living on the country, the plain of Marathon would not 
afford a day's sustenance for one hundred thousand men, to 
say nothing of the horses Herodotus so specifically refers to. 
When, therefore, the Persians failed to occupy the intervening 
country, and move forward promptly into the plain of Attica, 
their whole plan of campaign went to pieces. The invading 
army, horses as well as men, had to be fed ; and they had to be 
fed from the fleet or from Asia. In such case the consump- 
tion of food and forage, computed on the basis Herodotus him- 
self elsewhere (B. VII. sec. 187) suggests would have amounted 
to some one hundred and twenty-five tons a day. To 
meet this requirement the Persian organization needed to be 
very perfect, and a large fleet of transports must have been 
kept regularly plying. 

But in dealing with the Herodotarian statistics, it must ever 
be borne in mind that the Greeks were essentially an imagi- 
native race ; and when it came to recounting the numbers of 
those opposed to them, and their own warlike exploits, that 
imagination was apt to assume a shape closely resembling 
what is known as gasconade. They were, in short, to 
the last degree vainglorious and boastful ; and, in another con- 
nection, Herodotus himself acknowledges in a delightfully 
characteristic passage that he was staggered by his own figures, 
— " how provisions held out for so many myriads is a wonder 



tome." 1 The story of Marathon afforded an almost unsur- 
passable opportunity for a displa}' of this national self-com- 
placency, for the other side of the story was never to be told. 
Even, therefore, allowing that the invading Persians were then 
able to muster six hundred triremes, — a large concession in 
itself, — I do not believe that thirty thousand men, all told, 
were landed from them on Marathon's plain. Vessels had also 
to be provided for the carriage of horses, food, forage and 
camp-equipage. Assuming that six thousand only, or one 
man in five, of the force were mounted, that alone implied the 
carriage of an average of twenty horses on each one of three 
hundred transports. The shipping and landing of horses is 
not a simple operation. It cannot be done in a moment, nor 
at all amid confusion. Napoleon once planned an invasion of 
England, but he never attempted anything so considerable as 
that which Herodotus tells us was, B. c. 490, actually done in 
the Euboean Gulf. 

The real facts I imagine to have been somewhat as fol- 
lows : — The Persian army may possibly have amounted to 
thirty thousand men, for a small portion of whom horses were 
provided. This force was landed at Marathon, a quick advance 
on Athens being intended. The invading army was to live on 
the country. Before the advance was attempted, the routes 
to the plain of Attica were occupied in force by the Athe- 
nians. The wretched Persian commissariat was wholly inade- 
quate for the occasion ; and the army had to advance or had 
to withdraw. The alternative was starvation. It could not 
advance ; so it began to withdraw, the horses being first em- 
barked. Herodotus tells us that Mil tiades would not defer his 
attack until the Lacedaemonian contingent came up; but it 
arrived shortly after the battle, and in time to see the yet 
unburied dead (B. VI. sec. 120). My understanding is that 
Miltiades could not defer ; his enemy was slipping away from 
him, and in condition to concentrate at another point. He had 
to attack the force immediately in front; or else, missing the 
opportunity to destroy in detail, he would have elsewhere to 
confront a united armament under far less favorable conditions. 
The move on his part the situation called for was manifest ; and 
he was equal to the occasion. But when he did advance, the 
Persian change of base was already so far effected that the Greek 

i B. VII. sec. 187. 


attack, as the list of Greek casualties showed, amounted to little 
more than the almost unresisting slaughter of that large throng 
of stragglers in search of food, camp-followers, and riffraff gen- 
erally, which is always found in the train of an army, and espe- 
cially of an Asiatic army. That the Persian rear guard offered 
such resistance as it could, is shown by the Athenian loss of 
one hundred and ninety-two men. But, in view of the fact 
that every Asiatic found on the plain was incontinently put to 
death, the proportion of Persian loss to the whole invading 
force is surprisingly small, and can be explained only in one 
way. Assuming as the Persian aggregate thirty thousand, — 
one-fourth of what Herodotus implies, — the loss did not 
amount, in the killed, wounded, prisoners and missing of a 
modern combat, — to say nothing of the camp-followers and 
non-combatants, — to over one man in six. This single fact 
— the figures given by Herodotus — tells the whole story. It 
is conclusive. The famous victory of Marathon reduces itself 
to the overthrow of the covering division of a retiring enemy, 
the indiscriminate killing of a large number of Asiatic camp-fol- 
lowers, and the capture of seven vessels which, in the confu- 
sion of attack, could not be pushed off the beach. And of that 
famous rout of one hundred thousand by ten thousand this is 
the sole residuum of solid fact analysis leaves behind ! 

In venturing this somewhat sweeping criticism I want to re- 
iterate that, since my visit to Marathon, I have had no oppor- 
tunity to consult any authority, or to look up what has been 
more recently written on this head. I hope it is needless for 
me to say that I do not for a moment suppose that it was 
reserved for me — twenty-five hundred years nearly after 
the narrative of Herodotus was composed — to be the first 
to visit the scene in it described, book in hand, and there 
detect manifest errors and topographical anomalies. I do not 
doubt this has already been done by others far more competent 
both as scholars and as military critics. 1 That I leave to our 

1 While revising these notes for publication, the guide-book, Baedeker's 
Greece (1894), was again consulted. The essential part of the foregoing criti- 
cism I find there forestalled (p. 125): "The Persians had landed in the bay of 
Marathon on the advice of Hippias, but probably re-embarked on observing the 
Grecian tactics. The cavalry, at any rate, for whose benefit the plain of Mara- 
thon was selected, must have been again embarked, as no mention occurs of it 
in any account of the battle, which would probably have had a different issue 
had the Persian generals been able to launch their squadrons of horsemen on the 


Editor to make manifest. But, on the other hand, I feel, to 
put it mildly, scant respect for the judgment of the average 
lay historian on any military problem, whether he has studied 
it on the spot or no ; and not greatly more respect for the 
judgment of the competent military critic if formed at a dis- 
tance, and without regard to conditions of time and place. 
Read by a Greek scholar at Oxford or Cambridge, Herodotus's 
description of Marathon fight may appear plausible enough ; it 
certainly was long accepted. Read on the tumulus at Mara- 
thon, by one not unfamiliar with military operations and act- 
ual field work, its defects become apparent ; and, to speak it 
plainly, the boastful national spirit of the Attic partisan is very 
much in evidence. 

Mr. William W. Goodwin, having been called on by the 
President, spoke in substance as follows: — 

When Herodotus wrote his brief account of the battle of 
Marathon, perhaps half a century later, he found it difficult 
to collect authentic evidence of even the chief events of the 
day. We are familiar with the similar trouble in getting evi- 
dence with regard to the battle of Lexington. He shows this 
by the words which introduce his account, iyevero Toiovhe re, 
something like this occurred. Grote praises his honest reticence 

little band of Greeks. Miltiades recognized the favorable opportunity when the 
Persian force was divided and the most dangerous part of it removed from the 
field, and hurried to attack the troops that had not yet embarked." The more 
detailed, and scholarly, account of the battle contained in Murray's " Hand-book 
for Travellers in Greece" (London, 1900), while noticing the probable re-embar- 
kation of the Persian cavalry (p. 470 c), in other respects adheres closely to the 
traditional account of the battle, and implies that " at least " sixty thousand Per- 
sians, after being completely routed, "fled to their ships, pursued by the Athe- 
nians," and succeeded not only in scrambling on board, but in getting their vessels 
afloat and away, with the insignificant loss of one in ninety of their ships and one 
in ten of their effectives ! In historical statements such as this there is something 
distinctly irritating. They disclose a carelessness and a lack of technical knowl- 
edge discreditable even in a layman. Napoleon had at Waterloo 62,000 men. At 
the close of the day his army dissolved in panic. What ensued is well known. 
Belgium was for miles strewn with the slain, the number of whom has never been 
computed. At Marathon, it is here alleged, the Greeks utterly routed an army 
of just the same size, pursuing the fugitives in headlong flight to their ships, or 
driving them into the sea. Yet the Persian loss in ships was nominal only, while 
their killed, wounded and missing were one in six, or about one-quarter part of 
those of the victors at Waterloo. It is estimated that one-half (31,000) of the 
French army there disappeared. 


under the circumstances, especially his giving no estimate of 
the number of Persians in the battle, on which later writers 
make extravagant guesses, from Justin's six hundred thousand, 
of whom two hundred thousand perished, to Nepos's one hun- 
dred and ten thousand. The absence of any allusion to the 
presence of Persian cavalry in the battle, though we are told 
that this was an important part of the invading force, has often 
been noticed. There is a singular allusion to Marathon in 
Suidas, under %«/ot? t7r7reZ?, with the cavalry left out, which ap- 
pears to have meant generally with the chief thing wanting (like 
with the Prince left out). Suidas explains this by a story that, 
on the day of the battle, Datis, the Persian general, sailed 
away from the bay of Marathon with a large part of the 
Persian army, including all the cavalry ; and that some Greek 
scouts near the shore, seeing this, signalled to Miltiades, who 
at once made his victorious attack. In the absence of a better 
explanation, we may perhaps find help here. Herodotus tells 
us that immediately after the battle the whole Persian fleet, 
except seven ships captured by the Athenians, sailed away to 
Athens round the point of Sunium, hoping to capture the city 
in the absence of the Athenian army. A polished shield 
is said to have been displayed on Mount Pentelicus at this 
time, as a signal to the Persians to hasten to Athens, and the 
AlcmaBonidas were charged with giving this signal. Hippias, 
son of Pisistratus, was with the Persian army, and one great 
object of the expedition was to make him tyrant and reinstate 
the old tyranny. Miltiades, hearing of this, hastened back 
with his army to Athens after the battle with great speed, and 
arrived just before the Persian fleet appeared at the port of 
Phalerum. This saved Athens from attack, and the Persian 
fleet sailed off to Asia without more clelaj\ This all looks as 
if a large part of the Persian army, with all the cavalry, had 
embarked for Athens shortly before the battle ; and that the 
refugees from the battle were taken on board the ships which 
remained behind, ready to sail, before the victorious Athenians 
could stop them. The failure of the victors to secure more 
than seven Persian ships, if the fleet were all drawn up on the 
shore unprepared to get under weigh, seems incredible. It is 
probable that the Persian generals, during the long delay 
before the battle, were convinced that the Athenians meant 
to defend the rough road to Athens rather than to attack 


them at Marathon, and, as their cavalry would be useless in 
this case, decided to transfer their whole force suddenly to the 
plain of Athens, where cavalry would be of great service. 

Mr. Norton presented a parcel of copies of letters, eighty- 
one in number, addressed to Rev. Dr. Price by various cor- 
respondents, and extending in date from 1767 to 1790. The 
larger part of these letters have, so far as is known, never 
been published, but many of them are of interest, not merely 
from the high distinction of the persons by whom they were 
written, but also as containing contemporary accounts of im- 
portant events. In the parcel are several letters of Franklin, 
of Jefferson, of Rev. Dr. Chauncy, Professor Winthrop, and 
others. One of Dr. Chauncy's letters and one of those of 
Professor Winthrop are devoted to an account of the Battle 
of Bunker Hill. These copies of letters are presented to the 
Society for publication, if it choose, by Mr. Walter Ashburner 
(the son of the late Samuel Ashburner of Boston), now a bar- 
rister in London, who holds the originals as a direct descend- 
ant from Dr. Price's sister. Dr. Price himself had no children. 
In a memorandum sent to Mr. Norton, Mr. Ashburner writes : 

"Richard Price, D.D., F.R.S , to whom or by whom the letters now 
published were written, was a man of varied interests. He was by pro- 
fession a Unitarian minister, but he was also an authority on questions 
of life assurance, and — in his latter years at any rate — he derived a 
considerable income from answering questions on subjects connected 
with the expectation of life. He was a voluminous writer — on reli- 
gion, morals, politics, and mathematics. He was a strong liberal and 
a warm friend (as these letters show) to the American cause. Such 
a man necessarily carried on an extensive correspondence, but the 
greater part of it has perished. 

"Dr. Price by his will, which bears date the 25th of May, 1789, 
gave his residue in equal shares to his nephews William Morgan and 
George Cadogan Morgan, and appointed them his executors. George 
Cadogan Morgan, also a Unitarian minister, intended to write his 
uncle's life, but died — in 1798 — before he had carried out his plan. 
William Morgan, the other nephew, published in 1815 a thin volume of 
memoirs of the life of Dr. Price. William Morgan was a distinguished 
mathematician and for many years actuary of the Equitable Assurance 
Society of London, but he was not a good biographer. Nor does he 
seem to have taken much care of Dr. Price's papers. It was very 
different with Miss Sara Travers, William Morgan's granddaughter, 


into whose possession the remains of the Price correspondence eventu- 
ally came. Miss Travers was devoted to the memory of her eminent 
relative and of all his group of friends. She cherished whatever had 
any association with them ; favoured guests were offered tea out of a 
teapot which Dr. Franklin had given to Dr. Price. Miss Travers 
united in a singular degree the keenest interest in the present with a 
respect for the past. She inherited the strong liberal tendencies of 
Dr. Price and his family. She inherited also the intelligence and the 
character which had gained for Dr. Price the affection and esteem of 
so wide a circle of friends. Miss Travers had solid learning and varied 
accomplishments without a trace of pedantry or vanity. Those who 
have had the happiness of knowing her will never forget either the 
intellectual vivacity which did not desert her in extreme old age, or 
the charm of her conversation, or her great kindness of heart. 

" Miss Travers by her will left the Price papers to her cousin, Miss 
Caroline E. Williams, of 4 Vicarage Gate, London, who is the grand- 
daughter of a sister of William and George Cadogan Morgan, and 
therefore (like Miss Travers) a great-grandniece of Dr. Price. 1 Miss 
Williams has lately given the greater part of the Price papers to her 
cousin, the writer of these lines, who is himself a great-grandson of 
George Cadogan Morgan." 

The papers were referred to the Standing Committee. 2 


Craven Street, Saturday, Aug 1. — 67. 
Rev d and dear Sir, — Last night I received a letter from D r 
Robertson, acquainting me that the University of Edinburgh have on 
my recommendation conferr'd the degree of D r in Divinity upon the 
Rev d M r Cooper of Boston ; 3 an event, that when I last had the pleasure 
of seeing you, you may remember I was desirous of waiting for, before 

1 Miss Williams is author of a work, " A Welsh Family," which deals 
with the Price and Morgan families, and is based on family papers- in her 

2 Besides the letters now printed, and a few others which do not seem to he 
of sufficient importance for permanent preservation, there are in Mr. Ashburner's 
valuable gift copies of the following letters, which are printed in whole or in 
part, in William Morgan's "Memoir of the Life of the Rev. Dr. Price," — from 
Arthur Lee, Dec. 8, 1778; Benjamin Franklin, Oct. 22, 1767; Oct. 3, 1775; June 
13, 1782; May 31, 1789; Benjamin Rush, April 24, 1790; John Clark, April, 
1785; John Wheelock, August, 1785; in " Works of John Jay," his letter of Sept. 
27, 1785; and in " Works of Thomas Jefferson," his letters of Aug. 7, 1785; Jan. 
8, 1789; May 19, 1789. — Eds. 

3 Rev. Samuel Cooper, minister of the Brattle Street Church, received the de- 
gree of Doctor of Divinity from the University of Edinburgh in 1767. — Eds. 


I should be concern'd in any new application of the same kind. And 

indeed as I have made three already, I begin to feel a little unwilling 

to apply again immediately to the same University iu favour of another, 

lest they should think me troublesome, tho' they have hitherto been 

very obliging. And recollecting that you mentioned your havino- a 

correspondence with the Principal of the College at Glasgow, I now 

purpose applying to that University for M r Elliot's degree, 1 if you 

approve of it, and will with M r Radeliffe address your recommendation 

to the same place, to accompany mine. Please to present my respectful 

compliments to M rs Price and M rs Barker; and believe me, with sincere 

esteem, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

B. Franklin. 
M r Price. 


Craven Street, Sept. 28, 1772. 

Dear Sir, — Inclos'd I send you D r Priestly's last letter, of which 
a part is for you, he says ; but the whole seems as proper for you as for 
me. I did not advise him pro or con, but only explain'd to him my 
method of judging for myself in doubtful cases, by what I called Pru- 
dential Algebra. 

If he had come to town, and preach'd here sometimes, I fancy Sir 
John P. 2 would now and then have been one of his hearers ; for he 
likes his theology as well as his philosophy. Sir Johu has ask'd me 
if I knew where he could go to hear a preacher of rational Christianity. 
I told him I kuew several of them, but did not know where their 
churches were in town ; out of town, I meution'd yours at Newington, 
and offer'd to go with him. He agreed to it, but said we should first 
let you know our intention. I suppose, if nothing in his profession 
prevents, we may come, if you please, next Sunday ; but if you some- 
times preach in town, that will be most convenient to him, and I re- 
quest you would by a line let me know when and where. If there are 
dissenting preachers of that sort at this end of the town, I wish you 
would recommend one to me, naming the place of his meeting. And 
if you please, give me a list of several, in different parts of the town, 
perhaps he may encline to take a round among them. At present I 
believe he has no view of attending constantly anywhere, but now and 
then only as it may suit his convenience. All this to yourself. 

1 Rev. Andrew Eliot, minister of the New North Church, received the degree 
of Doctor of Divinity from the University of Edinburgh in 1767. — Eds. 

2 Sir John Pringle, an eminent physician in London, from 1772 to 1778 Presi- 
dent of the Royal Society. See Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xlvi. 
pp. 330-388. — Eds. 


My best respects to M rs Price and M™ Barker. With sincere wishes 
for your health and welfare, I am ever, my dear Friend, 
Yours most affectionately, 

B. Franklin. 

D r PltlCB. 


Boston, Octr. 5th, 1772. 

Revd. and dear Sir, — Yours, with your book on " Annuities," 
&c, I have received, for which I return you my hearty thanks. I am 
not myself a capable judge of performances of this kind, not having 
had occasion to turn my thots upon such subjects : I can, however, 
most obviously discern in that work the marks of a very superior pen, 
a pen which has set you above most writers, and of distinguisht char- 
acter too. Soon after the receipt of your book, I lent it to Mr Win- 
throp, Hollisian Professor of Mathematicks and Phylosophy at our 
College in Cambridge, and Fellow of the Royal Society in London, 
who red it with pleasure, and spake of you in such terms of honor as 
would look like flattery should I mention them to you. He has enter- 
tained an high opinion of your abilities. 

The situation of political affairs in this Province, particularly, is 
very unhappy. In addition to our other grievances, our Governor and 
the Judges of our highest executive Court are made wholly independant 
of the people here, and so dependant on administration at home that 
we can expect no other conduct in them but what will be pleasing to 
those who are endeavouring to fasten on us the chains of slavery ; and 
what aggravates our unhappiness is, that the money, by which these offi- 
cers in the government are tempted to be tools to carry into execution the 
arbitrary designs of those who hate us, is unconstitutionally taken out 
of our pockets and wickedly made use of to anuihalate our privileges by 
charter and rights as Englishmen. What may be the effect of having 
an absolute despot for our Governor, and Judges under a strong biass 
in favor of the measures of those who, with our money wrongfully taken 
from us, pay them for their judgments, time only will discover. People 
here of all sorts are greatly uneasie, loud complaints are uttered, both 
in the public prints and in private conversation, the Ministry at home 
are abhorred, and so are those who have the chief management of our 
political affairs here. The alternative now seems to be, a submission to 
slavery, or an exertion of our selves to be delivered from it. Which 
of these will take place, and in what way and manner, 1 know not. 

1 Minister of the First Church, Boston. He was born in Boston, Jan. 1, 1705, 
graduated at Harvard College in 1721, ordained in 1727, and died Feb. 10, 1787. 
See Ellis's History of the First Church, pp. 108-208. — Eds. 



My great support is, that half a century will so increase our number 
and strength, as to put it in the power of New-England only to tell any 
tyrants in Great Britain in plain English, that they will be a free 
people, in opposition to all they can do to prevent it. But not to trouble 
you any longer with our political troubles. 

The Doctrine of Fatalism, asserted and maintained in a book printed 
by Mr. Edwards, a minister in New-England, and reprinted in London 
a few years ago, has, by the assistance of some who were friends to 
these sentiments, unhappily taken a large spread, especially in the 
Colony of Conuecticutt. The book I herewith send you (which is the 
only one I have as yet been able to procure) contains the whole of 
what the Propagators of Fatalism have to say in its defence, as it is 
the product of all their heads put together. 1 I believe you never saw 
the Supreme Being, in any book, so explicitly and directly made the 
author and planner of moral evil. 'Tis to me astonishing that any 
man who professes a regard to the Deity, as these men do, should be 
able to speak of him as so ordering and disposing things as that moral 
evil should certainly be introduced into the world, and that it is desire- 
able it should be, and for the greater good too, though great numbers 
on account of it shall suffer everlasting punishment. Nothing, as I 
imagine, could be said worse of the Prince of the power of the Air. 
I should be glad to have your thots, when at leisure, upon this per- 
formance, especially that part of it which relates to the introduction of 
sin into the world, by the ordering and disposal of God, and for the 
good of the creation. This performance is supposed by too many to 
contain the truth, and to exhibit it in an unanswerable way. 

I fear I have been too tedious ; and shall therefore only add, that I 
am, with all due respect, 

Your assured friend and humble servant, 

Charles Chauncy. 

Rev d Dr. Richard Price. 


Boston, May 30th, 1774. 
Revd. and dear Sir, — Yours of last Novemr. I have received, 
for which I thank you. The inclosed pamphlet you might with good 
reason hope would have produced some good effect. 2 So far as I am 

1 The reference is apparently to Rev. Stephen West's " Essay on Moral 
Agency : containing Remarks on a late anonymous publication entitled An 
Examination of the late Reverend President Edwards's Enquiry on Freedom 
of Will." The "Examination" was by Rev. James Dana, for many years min- 
ister at Wallingford, Conn., and afterward at New Haven. — Eds. 

2 Probably the new edition of Price's pamphlet entitled " Appeal to the 
Public on the Subject of the National Debt." — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 267 

capable of judging, (and my poor judgment perfectly agrees with tlie 
judgment of the most sensible men we have among us, to whom I have 
given opportunity of reading your book) you have clearly and demon- 
strably pointed out the way in which the nation may be saved from 
sinking under the heavy debt that lies upon them. I can attribute 
it to nothing but a spirit of infatuation in those who are entrusted 
with the management of your public affairs, that you are so evidently 
hastening to a state of ruin. And this, as I imagine, will be the case 
with respect to the American Colonies, should they tamely submit to 
the tyranny of those British ministers who are endeavouring to enslave 
us. But, I trust in God, we have more virtue and resolution than 
to sit still and suffer chains to be fastened on us. The late act of Par- 
liament, shutting up the port of Boston, and putting it out of the power 
of thousands of poor innocents to preserve themselves from starving, 
is so palpably cruel, barbarous, and inhumane, that even those who 
are called the friends of Government complain bitterly of it : nor do I 
know of any whose eyes are not opened to see plainly that despotism, 
which must end in slavery, is the plan to be carried into execution. 
This British edict, which, without all doubt, was an intended blow at 
the liberties of all the American Colonies, will, I believe, under the 
blessing of Providence, be the very thing which will bring salvation to 
us. The town of Boston, the Massachusetts-Province, and the other 
Colonies, far from being intimidated by the horrid severity and injustice 
of this Port-act, are rather filled with indignation, and more strongly 
spirited than ever to unite in concerting measures to render void its 
designed operation. We have found by experience, that no depend- 
ance can be had upon merchants, either at home, or in America, so 
many of them are so mercenary as to find within themselves a readi- 
ness to become slaves themselves, as well as to be accessory to the 
slavery of others, if they imagine they may, by this means, serve their 
own private separate interest. Our dependance, under God, is upon 
the landed interest, upon our freeholders and yeamonry. By not 
buying of the merchants what they may as well do without, they may 
keep in their own pockets two or three millions sterling a year, which 
would otherwise be exported to Great-Brittain. I have reason to 
think the effect of this barbarous Port-act will be an agreement among 
the freeholders and yeamonry of all the Colonies, not to purchase 
of the merchants any goods from England, unless some few excepted 
ones, till we are put into the enjoyment of our constitutional rights and 
priveleges. The plain truth is, we can in America live within our- 
selves, and it would be much for our interest not to import a great 
deal from England ; and as things are now carrying on with such an 
high hand, I believe the Americans will see where their interest lies. 
We need only to pursue what is certainly our interest, and the nation 


at home will suffer a thousand times more than we shall in this part of 
the world ; and I am ready to think they will find this to be a truth 
from their own perceptions in a little time. But I cannot enlarge, as I 
am at present much indisposed. I should not indeed on this account 
have wrote now, but that I knew not how long it would be before I 
could have another opportunity of writing. 

I send you herewith " Observations on the Boston Port-bill " by a 
young lawyer, of a sprightly genius and strong powers. 1 They were 
penned in haste, but you will readily perceive that they are highly per- 
tinent and spirited. 

I am, wishing you all happiness, with great respect 

Your friend and humble servant, 

Revd. Dr. Price. Charles Chauncy. 


Boston, July 18th, 1774. 
Revd. and dear Sir, — The inclosed letter of May 30th (with a 
pamphlet) would have come to you by Capt. Calf, but that he unexpect- 
edly sailed the day before I went to his house to give it to him. In addi- 
tion to what I then wrote, I would now say, tho it must be in great haste, 
as I knew not of this opportunity but a few minutes since, and must 
deliver my letter to Capt. Folgier in two hours time at furthest, — there 
never was such an union in the Colonies as at this day. The cause for 
which we in this town are suffering, they look upon as the common 
cause of all North-America, their cause as truly as ours, tho we are 
the more immediate sufferers. They sympathize with us, they offer 
us their help, and will chearfully join with us, as one, in such expedi- 
ents as may be judged wise and proper to assist a redress of the griev- 
ances we are groaning under : nor do they satisfy themselves with 
mere words, but give us the highest assurance that they are in real 
earnest, for that they are, throughout the Continent, making provision 
for the support of the numerous sufferers in this town, which is the 
first object of ministerial vengeances. Their bountiful donations from 
one part of the country and another are daily flowing in upon us. 
Waggons, loaded with grain, and sheep, hundreds in a drove, are sent 
to us from one and another of the towns, not only in this, but 
the neighbouring Colonies. Two hundred and fifteen teirces of rice, 
part of a thousand devoted to our service, are arrived at Salem from 
South-Carolina, where thousands of pounds sterling more (as we hear) 

1 The well-known pamphlet by Josiah Quincy, Jr., was published just before 
this letter was written. — Eds. 

1903 ] THE PRICE LETTERS. 269 

are subscribed for our support, while firm in our refusals to be made 
slaves. We have authentic accounts from all the Colonies, that, in 
every country, in all the towns belonging to them, monies are collect- 
ing for our supply with provisions, and assurances given us that we shall 
not want, should we be continued in our suffering state. The indigna- 
tion universally excited in all sorts of persons (a few commissioned or 
mercenary ones only excepted) throughout America, by means of the 
Boston-port-bill, almost exceeds belief; and 'tis so heightened, since 
the passing the two other parliamentary acts more immediately affect- 
ing the Massachusetts-Province, that the whole Continent i3 in readi- 
ness to exert themselves to the utmost in all reasonable ways to bring 
forward our deliverance. And it may be worthy of particular notice, 
the union of the Colonies and their intention of liberality in donations 
for our relief were the result of their own thots, previous to any appli- 
cations to them from this town or Province. They first wrote to us, 
remonstrating against the treatment we had met with, and looking 
upon what was done to us as a specimen of what would be done to 
them also, if not in some way or other prevented. South-Carolina, 
Virginia, Maryland, New- York, the Jersies, New- Hampshire, tho un- 
chartered governments, exceed even the Massachusetts-Province in 
their resentments of what has been done against us ; and in some of 
them there have been greater commotions and insurrections than any 
complained of in Boston, or the Province it belongs to, notwithstand- 
ing they are under a like form of government with that the Parliament, 
in their two late acts, would place us under, to the destruction of our 
charter-rights, the purchase of much treasure and blood. There will 
be a congress of all the Colonies, by their deputies at Philadelphia on 
the first day of September next, as I suppose ; that being the day 
which was fixed on for this purpose by the Massachusetts- Assembly 
last month, for which reason more especially they were dissolved by 
the Governour. So far as I can learn, 'tis not in the intention of 
the Deputies going to the abovementioned Congress, or of any of the 
people in this, or the other Colonies, to contend with Great-Britain. 
Their view is to bear with patience their treatment of us, however hard 
and cruel ; at the same time, making it a point they will firmly and 
sacredly abide by, to live within themselves, and save those millions 
that are annually exported to England for what we can live very com- 
fortably without having. It would be highly grievous, and the last 
thing the Colonies would wish, to be obliged to stand upon their own 
defence against military force should it be used with them ; but this, 
should no other expedient be effectual, I believe, they certainly would 
do. All the Colonies desire is the full enjoyment of their rights and 
pnveleges; and should this be granted to them, Great Britain would 
hear of no commotions or disturbances, but that we were all united in 



love to the mother Country, and in a concern to promote the honor and 
welfare of the English nation : nor would his Majesty have, in any 
part of his extended dominions, any subjects who would more readily 
venture their fortunes and lives in defence of his crown and the sup- 
port of his government. The use of force might be hurtful both to 
the nation at home as well as the Colonies here ; but the Colonies in- 
crease so fast, that finally England must be the greatest sufferer by a 
contention with them. I suppose, by the additions yearly made to us 
from abroad with our own natural increase, we double in 15 years. 
But I cannot enlarge, as I gladly would have done. In the greatest 
hurry I subscribe, with all respect, 

Your friend and humble servant, 

Charles Chauncy. 
Rev. Dr. Richard Price. 


Boston, Septemr. 13th, 1774. 

Revd. Sir, — I sent you sometime since two small pacquets, by 
Capt. Folgier, which I trust you have received ; as he assured me he 
would deliver them with his own hand. 

The bearer of this, Mr. Josiah Quincey, is a young gentleman of good 
powers, a sprightly genius, and thorow acquaintance with the constitu- 
tion of the American Colonies: nor has any one a more perfect knowl- 
edge of what has happened in this part of the world, both previous to 
and consequent upon the late acts of the British-parliament respecting 
Boston and the Massachusetts-Province, of which it is the metropolis. 
You may from him, should you desire it, be let into a clear and full idea 
of the sad situation we are now in. He goes to England strongly dis- 
posed to serve his country wherein he may be able ; and he will be the 
better able to do this, if he may by means of gentlemen of character at 
home have opportunity of conversing with those, either in or out of ad- 
ministration, who may have been led into wrong sentiments of the people 
in Boston and the Massachusetts-Province in these troublesome times. 
The favor I would ask of you is only this, that you would take so much 
notice of him as to introduce him, either yourself, or by the help of one 
or another of your friends, into the company of those who may have it 
in their power to be serviceable to the Colonies in general and this 
Province in particular ; as it is the first, in the view of administration, 
to be reduced to a state of slavery. 

I could greatly enlarge upon our political affairs ; but I purposely 
avoid it, as you may have it much better done, viva voce, by Mr. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 271 

Be pleased to accept the inclosed small pamphlet ; 1 which has been 
well received here. I am, Itevd. Sir, with all due respect, 
Your friend and humble servant, 

Charles Ciiauncy. 
Dr. Riciiard Price. 


Cambridge, New Engld., Septr. 20, 1774. 
Reverend Sir, 8 — I am very sensible I ought to make an apology for 
addressing a gentleman of your distinction in the learned world. Indeed, 
the great satisfaction and instruction I have derived from your excellent 
writings, and your goodness to me in communicating your curious papers 
on the Aberration, thro' the hands of our common friend Dr. Franklin, 
merit my most grateful acknowledgements, yet I should scarcely have 
adventured to trouble you with a letter, on account of any thing that 
related merely to myself. 'Tis a much more important cause, Sir, that 
urges me on to the freedom I now take. It is the cause of distressed 
America, groaning under the hand of an oppressive power which 
threatens its ruin. The fate of millions is now at stake. The measures 
persued by Administration for ten years past, evidently designed to 
abridge the Colonists of their liberties, one after another, were truly 
alarming and of the most dangerous tendency. But they appear to be 
trifles, when compared with the acts passed in the last session of Par- 
liament ; which, I believe, are not to be parallel'd in the British annals. 
The Act for Shutting up the Port of Boston struck every body with 
astonishment; that cruel Act which, by putting a stop to the trade on 
which the town wholly depended, must immediately have starved or 
driven away almost all the inhabitants, had they not been supported by 
the very generous contributions of our sister Colonies, even in the 
farthest part of the Continent. But this Act, shocking as it was, seemed 
to be swallowed up in another which quickly followed it, of more ex- 
tensive and more fatal operation, — the Act for better regulating the 
government of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay which has, in 
fact, dissolved the government. It has mutilated the Charter, so as to 
leave only an empty phantom remaining; and, by depriving the people 
of every privilege, has erected an absolute despotism in the Province. 
The Councillors, who, by Charter, were to be elected annually by the 

1 Probably an anonymous pamphlet, by Dr. Chauncy, entitled " A Letter to a 
Friend, giving a concise, but just, representation of the hardships and sufferings 
the town of Boston is exposed to, and must undergo in consequence of the late 
act of the British-Parliament," etc. — Eds. 

2 Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in Harvard 
College ; born in Boston Dec. 19, 1714 ; died in Cambridge May 3, 1779. — Eds. 

8 A strip of paper has been pasted over the address. — Eds. 


General Court, (subject, however, to the Governor's negative) are to 
be appointed by Mandamus from the King: the Judges, who before 
were paid by the General Court, are now made totally dependent on 
the Crown for their salaries as well as their commissions : all olher 
civil officers, as Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, &c, are removable by 
the Governor at his sole pleasure, even without the advice or consent 
of this Mandamus Council : the Juries for trials, whose names were 
before drawn out of a box at a town-meeting, in the manner of a lot- 
tery, which effectually precluded all design or collusion, are now to be 
returned by the Sheriff. By this arrangement, it is evident, the Gov- 
ernor has it in his power to command what verdict he pleases in any 
case. To crown all, the third Act was passed, entitled for the more 
impartial administration of justice in this Province ; but, in reality, to 
prevent the administration of justice. By this Act, any of the soldiers 
who should kill the inhabitants may, at the Governor's pleasure, be 
sent to any other Colony or to Great Britain for trial. The manifest 
design of which is, to empower the military to kill the inhabitants 
without danger or fear of punishment. 

The Governor insists on acting according to this new plan : The 
people are determined to adhere to the old one ; so that we have neither 
legislative nor executive powers in the Province. Things are running 
fast into confusion ; and it seems as if it were designed to irritate the 
people into something which might be called rebellion. At all events, 
the people will never submit to the new system. Their minds are uni- 
versally agitated, to a degree not to be conceived by any person at a 
distance ; and they are determined to abide all extremities, even the 
horrors of a civil war, rather than crouch to so wretched a state of 
vassallage. And these are the sentiments, not of a contemptible faction, 
as has been represented, nor of this Province only, but of every Colony 
on the Continent. They all consider Boston as suffering in a common 
cause, and themselves as deeply interested in the event. For tho' the 
vengeance is immediately directed against Boston and this Province, 
they all expect the same treatment in their turn, unless they tamely 
submit to the exorbitant power lately claimed by Parliament over them ; 
which they will never be brought to do. To submit to such a power 
would be to hold their lives, liberties and properties by the precarious 
tenure of the will of a British Minister. The sanction of Parliament, 
in their apprehension, makes no difference in the case; they know full 
well in what manner Parliamentary affairs are managed. Besides, 
they do not acknowlege the Commons of Great Britain as their Rep- 
resentatives. If the Ministry are resolved to push their schemes, 
nothing but desolation and misery is to be expected. 

I have given but a slight sketch of the present situation of affairs 
here, omitting many matters of great moment. Mr. Quincy, who will 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 273 

have the honor to wait upon you with this letter, can give you a much 
more distinct account than I can pretend to do by writing. He is a 
gentleman of the law, and emineut in his profession, and is making a 
voyage to England, with hopes of doing some service to his native 
country ; and I humbly hope you will be pleased to favor him witli your 

I cannot but persuade myself, that a gentleman of so enlarged an 
understanding and so benevolent an heart as the author of the Disser- 
tation on Providence, &c, will excuse the freedom of this application ; 
which, I am sure, proceeds from an unexceptionable motive, — the love 
of my country, and that he will be ready to use the influence which his 
high reputation justly gives him, as far as he can with propriety, in 
favor of the oppressed. 

With sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, I am, Reverend 

Your most humble servant. 1 


Bowood Park, 26 Deer., 1774. 

Dear Dr. Price, — I have this moment read your letter to Dr. 
Priestley, in which I find overkind mention of me, as I am us'd to from 
you. I shall be very glad to see Mr. Quincy, or any friend of yours. 

I have been so taken up with my private business, that I have not 
had time to return you the inclos'd, since you return'd to me the books 
mention'd in it. 

I have read with attention, however, the last paper, which you were so 
good to give me, and intend to read it 3 or 4 times more before I have 
the pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time there is only one partic- 
ular observation which occurrs to me. Is it not to be wish'd th l nothing 
sh d be left to the discretion of the Commissioners, and that they could 
be made merely ministerial ? It 's a vast object to ensure the gradual 
diminution of our debts, but it will lessen the excellence of this meas- 
ure, if it admits of that intolerable evil, stockjobbing. Wherever dis- 
cretion is left, I conceive that must follow, and surely the nature of our 
debt is such that all possibility of jobbing might be prevented by pre- 
scribing the order in which they should be discharg'd, — which being 
publick, every body w d have an equal advantage, and no secret could 

What has come from the American Congress opens a new and impor- 
tant field for discussion, by separating regulations of trade from the con- 

1 A strip of paper has been pasted over the signature, but the letter is dock- 
eted in Dr. Price's hand " Professor Winthrop." — Eds. 



sideration of a revenue, how far the riches and prosperity of a country 
need such regulations as we have been accustom'd to see enforc'd by 
custom house officers, at a great expence, and occasioning great cor- 
ruption. This is one I conceive of mmy subjects, which must now be 
decided, however indispos'd the Ministry may be for obvious reasons. 
I hear from London that the American Secretary has given for answer 
to those that presented the petition transmitted by the Congress, that 
it was receiv'd very graciously, and would be laid before both Houses. 
This gives me pleasure, so far as it indicates a change of measures. 
As to a change of men, I don't myself know, whether it would not be 
better that the present sh d continue. The rage for Ministry is so uni- 
versal, and the consideration attach'd to it so much beyond the mark, 
that it requires a change of ideas to take place. Nor can it be expected 
that any man will be for lessening a power to-day, which to-morrow he 
expects to be in possession of. There is only one evil I foresee attend- 
ing it, and that you '11 say exists already in the minds of the people, who 
have long since lost all confidence in their representatives. I write to 
you upon my knee in the midst of the children's noise, a very unfit situ- 
ation to write upon such serious subjects. In every situation and in 
every temper, believe me, however, 

Y rs & M rs Price's affectionate friend and servant, 



[Jan., 1775?] 
Dear Dr. Price, — I send you the short notes, which I wish you 
may be able to understand. I should not, indeed, think them worth 
your attention, if it was not for the distracted situation of our councils, 
which makes me take more upon me than suits my disposition or the 
diffidence of my temper. 

I am myself so confident, from reading over and over the petition in 
question, from twelve years intimate connection with America, and as 
attentive an observation of their publick acts and their character, that 
I would willingly risque my head on their proving themselves, upon 
these terms, what they say of themselves, not only faithfull subjects 
but faithfull colonists to the parent state. 1 Very extensive words, which 
in able hands admit of everything we could desire. 

There is nothing in these Notes deserving your attention except the 
proposition itself, which from the degree of approbation it met with 
under circumstances of great disadvantage, makes me think it not with- 

1 The Address to the King, to which reference is here made, was adopted 
by the Continental Congress Oct. 26, 1774, and is printed in Force's American 
Archives, fourth series, vol. i. cols. 931-937. The Earl of Shelburne was 
appointed First Commissioner of Trade and Plantations in April, 1763. — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 275 

out its use, to prevent its being entirely forgot, and that it may be 
remember'd beyond the moment of its being made. What use it may 
be of hereafter, or how far practicable when tilings advanee is altogether 
another question. The times are dark, and in my idea, the most that 
can be done is to prevent bad opinions being lodg'd with the publick, 
a fresh injustice being done to the principles and intentions of our 
American brethren. 

As to ourselves you may depend upon my never losing sight of what 
you know I cousider as our political salvation, and that all my aim 
finally terminates there. 

I am going out of town, and write in haste. As soon as I return, I 
will be happy to ride out to you to talk more fully upon these matters. 

Y rs ever. Shelburne. 

Wedy - Morns- 


Boston, Jany. 10th, 1775. 

Revd. and dear Sir, — Yours of Octr. 8th, with the inclosed pam- 
phlets, I have received, for which I heartily thank you. Tis strange 
nothing which has happened among us from Septr. 2d to the day of 
the date of your letter, should have been known in Eugland. Tis easie 
to conceive that the news conveyed to the ministry by the Scarborough 
should be secreted, but not so easie to be accounted for that the private 
letters which went by her should be profoundly silent also. 

What came into event here before the 26th of Sepr., when Mr. Quin- 
cey embarked for London, I shall say nothing about, as you have doubt- 
less had opportunity of hearing from him an exact and true account of 
facts till that time. Since then the fortifications at the only entrance 
into Boston by land have, at no small expence, been completed ; the 
troops which were at New- York, New-Jersey, Philadelphia, and Canada 
sent for and brot to town, in addition to those that were here before ; 
making in all eleven regiments, besides several companies of the artil- 
lery. You can't easily imagine the greatness of our embarissment; 
especially, if it be remembered that the town, while filled with troops, 
is at the same time encompassed with ships of war, and the harbour so 
blocked up as that an intire stop is put to trade, only as it is carried on at 
the amazing charge of transporting every thing from Salem, not less than 
28 miles by land. Can it in reason be thot that Americans, who were 
freeborn, will submit to such cruel tyranny ? They will sooner lose their 
heart's blood. Not fears, but the livery of the troops among us, point- 
ing them out as subjects of the same sovereign with ourselves, is the 
true and only reason they were either suffered to come, or to continue 


here, without molestation. Had they been French or Spanish troops 
they would have been cutt off long before now, as they easily might 
have been. It is given out by the tools of government, that more ships 
of war and more regiments will soon be sent to humble or destroy us. 
The Colonists are not intimidated by such threatenings, neither would 
they be should they be carried into execution. They are sensible, that 
contending with Great-Britain would be like a mouse's contending with 
a lyon, could her ships of war sail upon the land as they do upon the 
water. But in a contest with America her ships can annoy none of our 
inland towns, and but a few only of our towns upon the sea-coast for 
want of depth of water. And should they even destroy these, England 
would suffer more than America, as a greater debt than the worth of 
all these places would, by that means, be at once cancelled. 

The people in England have been taught to believe that five or six 
thousand regular troops would be sufficient to humble us into the lowest 
submission to any parliamentary acts however tyrannical. But we are 
not so ignorant in military affairs and unskilled in the use of arms as 
they take us to be. A spirit for martial skill has strangely catched 
from one to another throughout at least the New-England Colonies. A 
number of companies, in many of our towns, are already able to go 
thro the military exercise in all its forms with more dexterity and a 
better grace than some of the regiments which have been sent to us ; 
and even all our men from 20 to 60 years of age are either formed or 
forming into companies and regiments under officers of their own chus- 
ing, to be steddily tutord in the military art. It is not doubted, but by 
next spring we shall have at least one hundred thousand men well qual- 
ified to come forth for the defence of our liberties and rights, should 
there be a call for it. We have besides in the New-England Colonies 
only a much greater number of men who, the last war, were made reg- 
ulars by their services than your troops now in Boston. I can't help 
observing to you here that we have in this town a company of boys, 
from about 10 to 14 years of age, consisting of 40 or 50, who, in the 
opinion of the best judges, can go thrd the whole military exercise 
much more dexterously than a very great part of the regulars have 
been able to do since they have been here. 

I would not suggest by any thing I have said, that we have the least 
disposition to contend with the parent-states. Tis our earnest universal 
desire to be at peace and to live in love and harmony with all our fellow- 
subjects. We shall not betake ourselves to the sword, unless neces- 
sarily obliged to it in self-defence ; but in that case, so far as I can 
judge, tis the determination of all North America to exert themselves 
to the utmost, be the consequence what it may. They chuse death 
rather [than] to live in slavery, as they must do, if they submit to that 
despotic government which has been contrived for them. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 277 

The accounts I have seen in some of the London newspapers, affirm- 
ing that Governour Ga^e and Lord Piercy have been killed, and that a 
number of houses have been pulled down, are without the least founda- 
tion in truth, and must be numbered among the many abominable false- 
hoods which are continually transmitting home by those detestable 
inhabitants here, to whose lies it is owing that we have been brot into 
our present distressing circumstances. 

The result of the Continental Congress I should have sent you, but 
that it has probably reached home by this time, or doubtless will long 
before a copy of it would, was it to go by this opportunity. I cannot 
but look upon it an occurrence in our favor truly extraordinary, that so 
many Colonies, so distant from one another, and having each their sep- 
arate interest, should uuite in sending delegates to meet in one general 
body upon the present occasion, and that those delegates (52, I think) 
should, upon a free and full debate among themselves, be so united in 
what they have done. I have been assured by our Massachusetts dele- 
gates, since their return from Philadelphia, that there was in no article 
more than one or two dissentients, and in almost every one perfect una- 
nimity. And tis as extraordinary that the doings of the Congress should 
be so universally adopted as a rule of conduct strictly to be adhered to. 
Effectual care has been taken in all the Colonies, counties, and towns 
that the non-consumption agreement, in special, be punctually complied 
with, and committees of inspection are constituted to see that this is 
done ; and their care upon this head has been the more earnest as they 
are universally sensible that no non-importation agreement among mer- 
chants will signify any thing, unless they are obliged to keep to it by 
not being able to sell their goods, should they send for them. You may 
receive it as a certain fact, that, in conformity to one of the articles 
agreed to by the continental congress, all the merchandise that has 
arrived from Great Britain since the 1st of December has been sold, or 
is now selling, at vendue, and whatever it fetches beyond the prime 
cost and charges, is to relieve the Boston-sufferers under their present 
distresses ; and it may be depended on, that whatever goods come after 
the 1st of February will be sent back without being opened. You caut 
easily conceive the universality and zeal of all sorts of persons in all the 
Colonies to carry fully into effect whatever the Congress have recom- 
mended in order to put an intire stop to our commerce with England, 
till the acts we complain of are repealed. 

Those who call themselves the friends of Government, but are its 
greatest enemies, are continually endeavouring, in all the ways they 
can devise, to foment divisions among the people, and to lead them, in 
particular, into an ill opinion of the result of the grand Congress ; but 
they labor in vain. It is the opinion of some here that there are 
among us those who are employed upon the hire of unrighteousness to 


do all that lies in their power to effect a submission to the late acts 
which would enslave us ; but whether this be so, or not, you may rely 
on it as the truth of fact that, notwithstanding all their efforts, the in- 
habitants of these Colonies, one it may be in an hundred excepted, are 
firmly united in their resolution to defend themselves against any force 
which may be used with them to deprive them of the rights they have a 
just claim to, not only as men made of one blood with the rest of the 
human species, but as Englishmen, and Englishmen born heirs to a 
royal grant of Charter rights and privileges. 

We are told (perhaps to affrighten us) by those who joyn with the 
ministry in carrying their plan of despotism into effect, that every port 
on the continent will be blocked up next spring by English ships of 
war. But this we know cannot be done, as the sea-coast on this conti- 
nent is of such large extent, and we have so great a number of harbours, 
rivers, and inlets, inaccessable by any ships of war so as to do us harm. 
Besides, administration, by such a conduct as this, would in the most 
effectual manner co-operate with the American congress in putting a 
stop to all commerce with Great Britain, which would, perhaps, be 
more hurtful to you than to us ; for we should, notwithstanding, have 
all the necessaries and most of the comforts of life, and be far more 
happy than we could be were we to be enslaved. 

I can't help assuring you as an evidence that the Colonies continue 
united in supporting the common cause, that they are almost daily send- 
ing to this town for its relief, flower, indian corn, beef, pork, mutton, 
butter, cheese, and in a word every thing necessary for the comfort as 
well as support of life ; and we have all the encouragement we can de- 
sire to depend upon their going on to do thus while our circumstances 
are such as to require their help. 

I fear I have tired your patience ; but I must, notw th standing, add 
this further that a most malignant fever rages among the troops. Three, 
four, and five have sometimes been buried in a day. Many of them are 
now sick. There is no abatement of the disease. Blessed be God, few 
or none of the town-people have taken the infection. The troops, by 
desertion and death, are amazingly lessend, w ch we certainly know, 
notw th standing the care of the officers to hide it fm us. 

I am, Dear Sir, w th all due respect, 

Your friend [and] humble serv*, 

Dr. Richard Price. Charles CHAUNCT. 


Newington, Feby 25 th , 1775. 
Dear Sir, — I cannot avoid embracing the opportunity offer'd me 
by Mr. Quincy's return of writing to you. I am very sorry for the 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 279 

bad state of health into which Mr. Quincy lias fallen. This lias ren- 
der'd him incapable of carrying into execution some of the views with 
which he came here. But he is now better ; and I hope will he re- 
stored in health to his family. He is indeed an able, faithful, and 
zealous friend to his country; and I. have been happy in my acquaint- 
ance with him. He can inform you of what is passing here ; and of 
my sentiments with respect to the public affairs which now engage so 
much attention. But neither my sentim t8 , nor those of persons of more 
weight, can be of much importance to you. It is from themselves that 
our brethren in America must look for deliverance. They have, in my 
opinion, infinitely the advantage in this dispute. If they continue 
firm and unanimous it must have a happy issue, nothing being more 
certain than that the consequences of the present coercive measures 
must in a year or two be so felt in this kingdom as to rout the present 
despotic ministry, and to bring in new men who will establish the 
rights and liberties of the colonies on a plan of equity, dignity and 
permanence. In such circumstances, if the Americans relax, or suffer 
themselves to be intimidated or divided, they will indeed deserve to be 
slaves. For my own part, were I in America I would go barefoot ; I 
would cover myself with skins and endure any inconveniencies sooner 
than give up the vast stake now depending; and I should be encour- 
aged in this by knowing that my difficulties would be temporary, and 
that I was engaged in a last struggle for liberty, which perseverance 
would certainly crown with success. I speak with earnestness, because 
thoroughly convinced that the authority claimed by this country over 
the Colonies is a despotism which would leave them none of the rights 
of freemen; and because also I consider America as a future asylum 
for the friends of liberty here, which it would be a dreadful calamity 
to lose. 

By the governm* which our ministers endeavour to establish in New 
England, and that which they have established in Canada, we see what 
sort of govern 11 ' they wish for in this country ; and as far as they 
can succeed in America, their way will be paved for success here. In- 
deed the influence of the crown has already in effect subverted liberty 
here; and should this infl lence be able to establish itself in America, 
and gain an accession of strength from thence, our fate would be sealed, 
and all security for the sacred blessing of liberty would be destroy'd in 
every part of the British dominions. These are seutim 13 that dwell 
much upon my heart, and I am often repeating them. 

You must have been informed before this time that L d Chatham in- 
troduced into the House of Lords about three weeks ago a bill contain- 
ing a Plan of Pacification, which was rejected at the first reading in 
a manner the most unprecedented and contemptuous. In a few days 
after this, both Houses in an Address to his Majesty declared the Prov- 


ince of Massachusetts Bay in rebellion, petitioned for an enforoem* of 
the late Acts, and offer'd to stand by his Majesty with their lives and 
fortunes. But at the beginning of last week, to the amazern* of every- 
body, the ministry took a new turn ; and, tho' they had repeatedly 
declared that their object was not to draw money from the Colonies, 
yet on the 20th of last month, a motion was made in the House by 
L d North to the following purport — " That it was the opinion of that 
House, that when any of his Majesty's colonies shall make provision, 
according to their several circumstances, for contributing their propor- 
tio i towards the common defence and the support of their respective 
Governm ts (such proportion to be raised by their own Assemblies and 
disposable by Parliam*) it will be proper, if such proposal should be 
approved by Parliam*, and for so long as it shall be so approved, to 
forbear in respect of such colonies imposing upon them or levying any 
taxes." By this Resolution L d North said he hoped the horrors of a 
civil war might be avoided, and yet more gained from the Colonies than 
could be gained by any coercion of them. After a debate of near seven 
hours, (during which some of the members chose to amuse themselves 
with cards in one of the rooms adjoyning to the House) the motion 
was agreed to by a majority of 274 to 88 : and it was reported and 
confirmed last Monday; but is not to be formed into a- bill. At the 
same time, the hostile plan before adopted is to go on. No firelock, as 
the Sollicitor-General said in the House, is to be taken from a gun or 
rudder from a ship; the Bill now in Parliam* for destroying the New- 
England Fishery is to pass ; none of the Acts of last spring are to 
be repealed; and General Gage's re-inforcem*, consisting of eight 
regim ts , besides dragoons, marines and ships of war, is to embark. I 
am told also that two bills more ag st New-England are intended, one 
for destroying the Connecticut, Rhode-Island, and New-Hampshire 
charters, and another for attainting some of the leading men in your 

These are measures that want no comment. L d North's motion, 
tho' called a concession, is certainly, consider'd in all its circumstances, 
more properly an insult. An armed robber who demands my money 
might as well pretend he makes a concession, by suffering me to take it 
out of my own pocket, rather than search there for it himself. I cannot 
imagine, therefore, that this motion will have any other effect on the 
colonies than to render them more united and determined. 

With respect to the people in Massachuset's Bay, were they inclined 
to trust this opinion of the House of Commons by consenting to pay 
such contributions as the House shall require, they could not be bene- 
fited by it without giving up their old Charter and together with it their 
whole right of legislation ; for it is only from an Assembly under the 
New Charter that any proposals can be received. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 281 

Were there not so many melancholy instances of the pliableness cf 
the House of Commons, it would be wonderful that the same House 
that had one day declared war ag st the Colonies, should almost the next 
day, on a sudden fright in the Cabinet, agree to a proposal supposed 
conciliatory. You may learn from hence our condition ; and what that 
power is which claims a right to make laws for America that shall bind 
it in all cases whatever. The design of the ministry by this step is to 
produce differences among the Colonies : or, as L d North said in the 
House of Commons, to break at least one link in the chain ; in con- 
sequence of which he thinks the whole may fall to pieces. New- York, 
in particular, the ministry have in view ; and they imagine that they 
have reason to depend on succeeding there. But frantic must that 
Colony be that will suffer itself to be so ensnared. Indeed our min- 
isters have all along acted from the persuasion that you are all fools 
and cowards. I have said that the design of L d North's motion is to 
disunite. I must add, that it is intended also to create delays and gain 
time ; for as with you all depends on losing no time, so with us all 
depends on gaining time (to corrupt and divide.) 

But I must conclude. Forgive your oppressors. I believe they 
know not what they do ; but at the same time make them know that 
you will be free. My heart bleeds for the sufferings of your Province ; 
but, if it be not your own fault, all will end well. God is on the side 
of liberty and justice. 

With the best wishes and the greatest regard, I am, dear Sir, 
Your sincere friend and very humble servant. 

I have been long waiting with impatience for a letter from you. I 
writ in Dec r last to Mr. Winthrop in answer to a letter with which he 
favoured me by Mr. Quincy. Be so good as to deliver my best re- 
spects to him. Dr. Franklin tells me that he shall write by this 
conveyance. America cannot have an abler or better friend. 


Newport, Apr. 10, 1775. 
Rev d and dear Sir, — The letter I had the pleasure of receiving 
from you last year inclosed in Mr. Marchant's, most exactly expressed 
my sentiments respecting Bishops — "they have hitherto shewn them- 

1 Rev. Dr. Stiles, afterward President of Yale College, was at the time this 
letter was written minister of the Second Congregational Church in Newport, 
Rhode Island. He remained there about a year longer, when he was obliged to 
leave in consequence of the dispersion of his congregation, owing to the exposed 
situation of the town. — Eds. 



selves enemies to Truth and Liberty; and there is no reason to expect 
that their natures will be changed in America." They have greatly 
dishonored themselves in two capital instances lately ; in their combina- 
tion against your petition for a relief from subscription to the XXXIX 
Articles; and in voting for the Quebec Bill for establishing the Romish 
Idolatry over two thirds of the territories of the British Empire, and 
thereby exciting a Jubilee in Hell and throughout [the] Pontificate. 
Much will Bp. Newton in particular have to answer at the tribunal of 
Jesus, for having with his eyes open joyned with an apostate Church 
and taken part with the Mother of Harlots and Abominations in the 
Earth, and this with the direct view and design of employing the arms 
of Papists as such against Protestant Puritans more abhorred than even 
Roman Catholics by the English Episcopacy. This obliging token of 
friendship from the bench of Bishops will not be very soon forgotten 
by the Puritans in America. 

But I suppose the American Episcopate is for the present suspended, 
waiting the decision of the present momentous controversy, with which 
it must stand or perhaps fall. Unhappily the die is now cast, and a 
Ministry devoid of policy with a controll'd Parliament have precipitated 
the decision of points which (of how much importance soever for us to 
have defined and ascertained yet) it would have shewn the sagacity 
and wisdom of an English Minister long to have kept out of sight, and 
as untouched as many important exertions of the royal prerogative 
which would suffer by discussion. 

We last week received the resolutions of Parliament (to 11 th Febry.) 
to enforce their system of domination. This has a solid and weighty 
effect ; instead of being dampt or depressed the Spirit of Liberty rises 
and will burn with an inextinguishable ardor. In the Punic Wars the 
Italians fought side by side as allies with the Romans. When Rome 
was attacked by the Carthaginian power, this attack united the other- 
wise divided nations of all Italy. The Romans took all the glory of 
conquest to themselves and dispised the Socii ; tho' the latter could 
raise three quarters of a million while the Roman census was short of 
300 Thousands. Hence the Bellum Sociale, which kindled into a 
flame from a trifling incident and spread thro' Italy with an incredible 
celerity. Two armies met to dispute a point of honor and nomiual 
dignity, but stop'd their fire in full volley and pacificated all by agreeing 
to share in equal liberty, the Roman blood accepting the Italian in 
deditione civitatis. America now exasperated does not dread to meet 
her brethren in bello sociali, if Great Britain persists in seizing and 
annihilating our dearest rights. Massachusetts will resume her old 
Charter of 1628 or assume a new police, and elect magistrates, appoint 
and commission Judges of Courts, and raise taxes, &c, this summer, 
if before the usual election we have nothing more favorable from 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 283 

London. The imlructioned Governors and Mandamus Councillors In 
the other Provinces are fallen into such disrepute, as being mere 
creatures of a venal Ministry and enemies to American Liberty, that 
the Colonies are nearly ripe to let them fall into desuetude, while the 
more just and equal representations of the people in the Colony Con- 
gresses acquire more and more weight, and feel more liberty to act for 
the public good unchecked by an arbitrary Governor. The Mary Id. 
Congress has already proceeded to levy taxes for an armament. S° 
Carolina Congress have shut up the Courts. The system proceeds, 
and may terminate in an intirely new Colony Police, erecting the 
Congresses into Legislatures, with an annual Continental or Imperial 
Congress for deliberating matters of universal moment. I do not say 
whether this change would be the wisest and best: but this I say, the 
measures of administr tn and Pari* precipitate such a revolution and if 
not desisted and departed from will very soon terminate in this. If 
there be no relaxation speedily, a continental army will soon be raised, 
and under repeated supposed defeats will survive and perpetuate itself 
till such a system of Polity shall be eventually established. 

You will receive this by Fra. Dana, Esq., of Cambridge, whom I 
commend to your notice. I am, D r Sir, 

Your affectionate Brother, 

Ezra Stiles. 

Rev. D r Price, London. 


Cambridge, N. Engl d , April 10, 1775. 

Reverend and dear Sir, — Your favor of Dec r 19 th last, which 
came to hand but last week, gave me the highest satisfaction. I most 
heartily thank you for the expressions of your kindness towards me, 
for the honor you have done my letter, and for the farther honor of 
admitting me to your future correspondence ; — an indulgence I highly 
prize and shall not fail to make use of. 

All America is greatly indebted to you for the sympathetic concern 
you express for their distresses, and for your exertions in their behalf; 
and I have no doubt would be happy, if it were in your power to make 
them so. But it is one of the principal sources of human misery, and 
one of the greatest mysteries of Providence, that the powers of this 
world are almost always in very different hands; are lodged with per- 
sons who have very different modes of thinking and very different 
objects of persuit. Were the case otherwise, were no persons advanced 
to power but such as had ability to comprehend and a disposition to 
persue the proper means for promoting the great end of government, 
the good of the people, there would be no grievances to complain of, 



and this world would soon become a kind of paradise. But this is too 
much to be expected till the millennial state ; or till, by the universal 
prevalence of Christ's heavenly doctrine, the virtue, and by consequence 
the liberty, peace and happiness of mankind are established upon a 
solid foundation. 

The kind reception you gave my friend Mr. Quincy, emboldens me to 
recommend to your notice another friend and near neighbor of mine, 
Francis Dana, Esq. He is a sensible, ingenious, modest gentleman, 
who was in the practice of the law, but can now have no employment 
in that way; and has always appeared a true friend to Liberty. He 
will be able to give you full satisfaction as to the situation of affairs here, 
and inform you of many particulars which I cannot so well do in 
writing. But to shew my readiness to obey your commauds, I shall 
give the best account I can. 

The people of Boston pass'd tolerably well thro' the winter, by the 
help of the generous donations of this and the other Colonies. I am 
well informed that not less than 7000 persons depend on these donations 
for their daily bread ; and there is a multitude of others, who, having 
something beforehand, and yet being cut off from their business, are 
now spending their all, and must quickly be reduced to poverty. The 
people thro' the Province, ever since so many of the Mandamus 
Councillors resigned their places, have had as little disturbance among 
them as in any of the Colonies, altho' there has been a total suspension 
of government. Our executive Courts are shut up, and we have no 
Legislature. What supplies the place of this, in some measure, is, 
a Provincial Congress, composed of delegates chosen by the several 
towns, in the manner of a House of Representatives. Tho' they assume 
no authority, their Recommendations have the same regard paid to them 
by the body of the people, as used to be paid to laws enacted in form. 
All this while we were willing to flatter ourselves, that the papers sent 
home by the Continental Congress would make some impression, and 
incline the Ministry to accommodate this unhappy controversy upon 
equitable terms. I have the satisfaction to find, that their address to 
the people of England meets with your approbation ; and, I hope, that 
to the K. does so likewise. But the last Address of the two Houses has 
extinguished every spark of hope. The M — y have stopped their ears 
to the voice of reason and justice, and steeled their hearts against the 
feelings of humanity. Having been fairly foiled in the field of argu- 
ment, and tried, as it is said, the force of bribery and corruption in 
America, which has been so successfully practised at home, they have 
now recourse to the ratio ultima, and we have nothing in prospect but 
the horrors of war. The people of Boston, notwithstanding repeated 
insults from the soldiery, were willing to suppose that the works which 
the General threw up last fall at the only entrance into the town, were 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 285 

designed merely for his own defence. But he has been making prepara- 
tions since, which indicate offensive war. He has provided a great 
number of waggons and other military implements, which can be of no 
use but for a march into the country. But what his particular opera- 
tions will be, can be known only by the execution of them. The 
people of Boston are quitting the town in great numbers, so that the 
first city in America is likely soon to be in a great measure deserted, or 
inhabited cheifly by regiments and those who arrogate to themselves 
the title of friends of government ; — and one of the finest harbors in 
the world has for some time been rendered useless. The military 
gentry, it is said, despise, or affect to despise, the Americans as cow- 
ards. They say, the Americans will never have courage to fight, but 
will immediately disperse on the first appearance of regular troops. 
In this they may probably find themselves mistaken, to their cost. 
This single Province can, upon occasion, bring more men, and those 
pretty well disciplined, into the field than the whole military establish- 
ment of Great Britain ; and those that can be spared upon an emergency 
from other employm ts joined with those of the neighboring colonies will 
form an army which the General will not find it easy to subdue. They 
have no design of attacking the K.'s troops; but are determined, 19 in 
20, I am told, upon the lowest computation, to stand upon their own 
defence, and the defence of their charter government, if attacked, and 
have prepared themselves accordingly. And indeed their ardor is such 
that it is found difficult to restrain it within due bounds. Consider, 
Sir, what must be the feelings of men, descended from ancestors who 
fled hither as to a safe retreat from tyrannical power 150 years ago, 
while it was a perfect wilderness inhabited only by savages, and 
settled it at their own expence, without the least charge to the Crown or 
nation, and whose descendents have ever since been imployed, with 
immense toil and danger, in turning this wilderness into a fruitful 
field, and the present generation possessed of fair inheritances, — when 
they see themselves treated like a parcel of slaves on a plantation, who 
are to work just as they are ordered by their masters, and the profit 
of whose labors is to be appropriated just as their masters please, — and 
then judge whether it be likely that such men will give up every thing 
dear and valuable to them without a struggle. What the event will 
be, can be known with certainty only by Him who seeth all things from 
the beginning to the end. We trust, we have a righteous cause, and 
we can chearfully commit our cause to Him who judgeth righteously. 
We know that we are not the aggressors, and that we are only striving 
to maintain our just rights. And I humbly hope, Sir, that we shall be 
remembered in your addresses to the throne of grace. May a gracious 
God avert these dreadful evils ! But whatever the events of war may 
be, they must prove ruinous to Great Britain as well as to the Colonies. 


A horrid carnage is the first thing to be expected ; and if it once 
begins, it may continue for a length of time, till the Colonies are so 
exhausted and impoverished, that they will not have the ability, even 
if it could be supposed they would have the inclination, to purchase 
British manufactures. What then will become of the American trade ? 
Will it be any compensation to the nation for the loss of this trade, 
that the M — y are in possession of a few fortified towns on the sea- 
coast, where garrisons must be constantly maintained at a vast expence? 
But you, Sir, have already anticipated the consequences, and had 
reason to say that their conduct is little short of insanity. 

As soon as I had received your letter, I went to deliver your respects 
to Dr. Chauncy, and to inquire whether he had received yours of the 
8th of Octr. He told me, he had ; and desired me to present his 
respects to you, and inform you that he had writ an answer, and sent 
with it a large packet of papers, which he thinks went from hence 
about the middle of February. I hope they are come to your hand 
before this time. 

I have the happiness, intirely to fall in with the sentiments of your 
letter, that this contest may prove beneficial in the event to one, if not 
both countries, and hope I shall be excused if I publish (with the 
proper cautions) some extracts from it. I should think myself wanting 
in my duty to my countrymen, if I should confine within the narrow 
circle of my particular acquaintance, what is so excellently fitted to 
direct them in the true line of conduct they ought to persue. And 
I have Dr. Chauncy's authority, in a similar case, to justify me. 

I write also by Mr. Dana to our excellent friend Dr. Franklin, the 
Friend of Liberty, of America and of Mankind. 

With my most ardent wishes for your happiness, and long-continued 
usefulness, I am, with the highest respect, Sir, 

Your most humble seiV, 

John Winthrop. 

P. S. I must beg pardon for the interlineations. I have not time to 
transcribe it, the messenger being now waiting. 


[April or May, 1775.] 
Dear Sir, — I send you enclosed the account which I promised you 
of the taxes of this kingdom, and particularly the excises. It is with 
particular concern I think of the bad state of health with which you 
left England. I hope the voyage has been of service to you, and 
that you are now returned well and happy to Mrs. Quincy and your 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 287 

family and friends. Things continue here in much the same state 
in which you left them. The stocks are higher than they were a year 
ago. No particular stagnation of trade is yet felt. The spirits of the 
merchants are kept up by the belief that the Americans cannot go on 
long with their Non-importation and Non-exportation Agreem tH , that 
the trade will be soon opened again, and that the issue of the quarrel 
will be the establishm 1 of the authority of this country over the Colo- 
nies, and consequently gaining in the end a more secure and advan- 
tageous trade. Our rulers trust in their power to corrupt, divide, and 
intimidate. They believe that either the Americans will not fight, or 
that if they should, they are a mere rabble who will be easily sub- 
dued by a disciplined army. The ministry have taken their measures 
under this perswasion ; and the officers in the army now going to 
America have in general no other apprehension ; and therefore go 
with good spirits, and in full expectation that all will be soon over. 
Nothing could be more provoking than the manner in which L d Sand- 
wich lately spoke in the House of Lords of your countrymen. I was 
in the House and heard him. " Have we not, said he, (in answer to 
L d Camden) conquered the French and the Spaniards ; and shall we 
be afraid of a body of fanatics in New-England, who will bluster and 
swell when danger is at a distance, but when it comes near, will like 
all other mobs throw down their arms and run away ? " He then gave 
an account of the behaviour of the New Englanders at the siege of 
Louisburg, and assured the House that S r Peter Warren has repre- 
sented it to him as in the highest degree dastardly. They had been 
order'd to attack a battery, but fled as soon as they approached it. 
S r Peter, however, he said, thought it necessary to disguise his 
sentim ts ; and in order to keep up their spirits commended them and 
called them Romans. After this he went on to compare your country- 
men to the poor Indians in Bengal, whom we have so miserably and 
infamously plundered and oppressed. " They, he said, are also fanat- 
ics ; but it is well-known that a few of our troops will rout the greatest 
number of them ; and were I (he added,) in General Gage's situation 
and heard that 20,000 New-Eugland-men were coming against me, I 
should wish that they were rather thirty or forty thousand." 

I can assure you that such apprehensions as these are common 
among us, and I look upon them as a melancholy proof of that infatua- 
tion with which Heaven has visited us. I am in hopes of hearing 
some time or other that your countrymen have wiped off these asper- 
sions from their characters ; and proved to the confusion of their vile 
slanderers that they deserve to be free by shewing themselves brave. 

Dr. Franklin is returned to Philadelphia, and will, I suppose, attend 
the Congress. I have lost by his departure a friend that I greatly 
loved and valued. He talked of coming back in the beginning of next 


winter ; but I do not much expect to see him again. It is a trouble to 
me that I don't hear from Dr. Chauncy and Mr. Winthrop. Deliver 
my best respects to them. I hope you will be so good as to write 
to me. I have friends in both Houses of Parliam* who, you know, 
are some of the first friends of America; and I wish to be able 
to give them the best intelligence. M r Gordon sends very good ac- 
counts. Should you fall into company with him, deliver to him my 
respects. I shall wait with great impatience till I hear whether you 
have got home safe, and are restored to your former health. Your life, 
I think, of much importance to your country. 

Wishing you and M rs Quiucy all possible happiness, I am, dear Sir, 
Your most obedient and humble servant. 


New England, June 6, 1775. 
Reverend and dear Sir, — I wrote you the 10 April by my 
friend, Mr. Dana, who I hope has arrived before this time. The 
apprehensions I expressd in that letter, of our being involved in the 
horrors of war, were but too well founded, and were very soon dread- 
fully realized. The blow has been struck, the sword is drawn, and 
I suppose the scabbard thrown away. On the 19 April hostilities 
commenced, and there was a smart engagement, in which numbers 
fell on both sides. Before now, you have received two very different 
accounts of this affair, which have been published here, and, I suppose, 
in Loudon too. The first was by the General, and sent by him to the 
Gov r of Connecticut ; x and the same, or a similar one, was doubtless 
sent by him to England in a man of war which he dispatched a day or 
two after the action. This, I conceive, does not give a just representa- 
tion of the matter, tho' it may be agreeable to the accounts he received 
from his officers, who, he says, were men of unquestionable honor, but 
mentions not their names. They endeavor to throw the blame of being 
the aggressors on the Provincials. The other account is sent home by 
our Provincial Congress, with a short address to the inhabitants of 
Great Britain. 2 It coutains the depositions of sundry persons, both 
Provincials and Regulars, who were in the engagement, relative to 
that point. It will be easy, I conceive, to form a proper judgment 
of the credit due to each of these accounts. To me it appears perfectly 

1 General Gage's letter to Governor Trumbull is printed in Force's American 
Archives, fourth series, vol. ii. cols. 434-436 — Eds. 

2 Printed in Force's American Archives, fourth series, vol. ii. cols. 486- 
501. — Eds. 

1903.] THE TRICE LETTERS. 289 

incredible, that a few Provincials, certainly under 100, should begin an 
attack on a body of Regulars of at least ten times their number. 
I shall only add, that the relation in the depositions is essentially the 
same as I heard on the day of battle, and always heard from several 
who were in the engagement before either of these accounts appeared 
in print. These depositions will give you a just idea of the proceed- 
ings on that day; but it may be some farther satisfaction to you, to 
know the train of events which brought on that important action. 

When the Act was passed for altering the civil government of this 
Province, the people were universally, with very few exceptions, 
determin'd never to submit to it. The new Mandamus Counsellors, 
except six or seven who refused, were sworn in about the beginning 
of August ; but nothing material was done in that month, by way of 
opposition, more than the shutting up the court houses in some of the 
remote counties. About the end of August, the G — -1 dispatched 
a party of soldiers very secretly in the night, and took away 250 
barrels of powder belonging to the Province, which were deposited 
in a magazine about 4 miles from Boston. This gave a great alarm; 
and on the 2d of September, a large body of people assembled at 
Cambridge, tho' without arms, and obliged as many of the Mandamus 
Councillors as they could meet with to resign their places ; and the 
officers of the executive Courts to engage not to act upon the new plan 

of government. Immediately upon this, the G 1 began to fortify 

himself in Boston, and levied a number of cannon in different places. 
As this seemed to threaten war, the people tho't it necessary to provide 
for their own defence. Accordingly, in Octr. or November, they began 
to collect stores of all the necessary kinds, in different parts of the 
country. A principal magazine was at Concord, about 18 miles from 

Boston. During the winter, the G 1 frequently, and openly in 

the daytime, marched large bodies of his troops 8 or 10 miles into the 
country, who went and returned without the least molestation from the 
inhabitants. But on the 18 of April, about ten at night, a body, said 
to be about 8 or 900 men, were secretly conveyed across the bay from 
Boston to Cambridge, and marched as silently as possible thro' by-ways 
till they got into the high road to Concord ; with what design, could not 
admit of a doubt. But all their motions were watched, and the alarm 
flew like lightning thro' all the neighbouring towns. The people imme- 
diately began to muster, in order to defend their property. About sun- 
rise, the troops arrived at Lexington, a town that lies on the Concord 
road, 11 miles from Boston. For what followed, I beg leave to refer 
you to the depositions before mentioned ; and shall only say in short 
that a body of less than 100 of our people being assembled at Lexing- 
ton, the Regulars without any provocation fired upon them, killd 8 
upon the spot, wounded several others, and then persued their march 



to Concord, where they destroyed what stores they could meet with, 
and fired on another party of Provincials, and killed some of them ; but 
the Provincials returning the fire killed some of the Regulars. This 
was the first opposition they met with. Upon this they retreated 
towards Lexington, where they were joined by a large reinforcement 
of about 1200 men, sent from Boston to support them; and then, the 
whole body returned together towards Charlestown. They were fol- 
lowed all the way by our people, who were now collecting from differ- 
ent quarters in considerable numbers; tho' I have been assured by 
several who were in the action, that not more than 300 of our people 
were engaged at any one time. There was, however, a hot engage- 
ment, which lasted all the afternoon, during their whole retreat. In 
their return, they behaved much in the manner of the Cossacks, firing 
into some houses, whereby some aged people were killed ; entring 
others, and destroying or pillaging whatever they could lay their 
hands on ; and some they burnt to the ground. I have seen some 
houses they fired upon, in which were only women who had fled 
thither for shelter. At sunset they arrived at Charlestown within a 
mile of Boston, to which they were carried over in the night by the 
men-of-war's boats. Thus ended this memorable day, a day that will 
never be forgotten in America. 

As to the loss sustained on each side, I have seen what is said to be 
a complete list of the Provincials who fell in battle, which amounted to 
50 ; and 5 or 6 were taken prisoners. It is more difficult to come at the 
knowledge of the loss on the other side, which they have industriously 
concealed, as much as possible. But I believe it is certain they had 
upwards of 100 kill'd, and more wounded ; several of whom, and some 
that were officers, have since died of their wounds. Several that were 
wounded were taken prisoners. 

The next day, the G 1 shut up the town of Boston, and suffered 

no person to go out ; and then none of the country people would go in 
to carry provisions. This continued about 10 days; but upon repeated 
applications he consented that the inhabitants should remove out with 
their effects, upon condition they would deliver up their arms. When 
this was complied with, the people began to remove. But he quickly 
clogg'd their removal with new restrictions; — none were to go out 
without his permit, then, only a certain number of cart or boat loads of 
goods were to go out in a day, then, no merchandize was to be carried 
out, then, no provisions of any kind, not so much as a bisket, then, per- 
mits to be granted only certain hours of the day, and some days none 
at all. However, they continued to move out as fast as they could 
amidst so many obstructions, every trunk, &c, being searched by of- 
ficers. 'Tis judged, that about two-thirds of the inhabitants are now 
removed. As many would be obliged to leave almost all their property 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 201 

behind them, some choose to stay, to prevent, if possible, its being 
rifled by the soldiers, who, 'tis said, enter into every house they find 

Ever since the battle, the G 1 has kept himself, his troops and 

the Tories (as they are called) within the town, which is surrounded 
by a large array of Provincials. The communication with the country 
being cut off, they are reduced to live almost wholly on salted meats ; 
which has occasioned their stripping some of the islands in the harbor, 
of all their live-stock. This lead the Provincials to take off the live- 
stock from the other islands. A smart skirmish happened on this ac- 
count the 27 ult, in which we had not one man killed, and but 4 wounded, 
and not one of them mortally ; but there is the strongest reason to be- 
lieve that the loss on the side of the Regulars was very considerable. 
There seemed to be a remarkable interposition of Providence in this 
affair; but it must be observed that the action happened in the night. 

Soon after my last, I received an unsealed letter directed to Dr. 
Chauncy, and in his absence to me. It was brought, I suppose, by Mr. 
Quincy, who died on board the vessel just after her arrival, being too 
ill to be removed on shore ; so that his friends had no opportunity 
to see him. We lament his death as a public loss. This letter was 
delivered to me, while Dr. Chauncy was shut up in Boston. As soon 
as I heard of his getting out, I sent it to him. I have quitted my 
house, and reside in the country, at a considerable distance. The Col- 
lege is all dispersed ; there being a large army of Provincials posted 
in the town, and my house is filled with soldiers. 

Our excellent friend Dr. Franklin is arrived at Philadelphia, and, 
to the joy of America, time enough to be chosen a member of the 
Continental Congress. We derive great hopes from his presence and 
assistance in that body. 

May heaven pour down the choicest of its blessings upon you. With 
the sincerest esteem and respect I am, ever, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient humble serv*. 

Jer. v. 9. 1 \_No signature.'] 

30 June. 

All direct communication between you and us is now cut off, so that 
I am obliged to send my letters by the way of Philadelphia thro' the 
hands of our good friend Dr. F., who has kindly offered to take care 
of them. And having no opportunity till now to send thither, I set 
down to give you a brief account of what has happened since I wrote 
the above. 

All accommodation seems now at a greater distance than ever. 

1 The passage in the Prophet Jeremiah to which Mr. Winthrop refers is this : 
"Sh*ll I not visit for these things ? saith the Lord: and shall not my soul be 
avenged on such a nation as this ? " — Eds. 


Both parties, I suppose, have gone too far to think of retreating. An 
imaginary dignity of government on the one hand, essential rights and 
privileges on the other, and inflamed passions on both, will render a 
reconciliation very difficult. War now rages here in all its fury, bloody 
battles fought, one maritime town already laid in ashes, and others 
threatned with the same fate. If the 19 of April did not give full 
conviction to the ministry that the Americans can fight and will fight, 
the 17 of June, I presume, will remove all their doubts; and enable 
them to judge, whether the accounts they received from the servants 
of the Crown here, or those from the friends of Liberty, were best 
founded. On that day there was a hot engagement at Charlestown, 
which lies opposite to Boston, on the other side of the river. A large 
body of regulars were carried over thither, to attack an entrenchment 
which our people had begun to throw up on a hill there the night be- 
fore. To cover their approach they set the town on fire, which, consist- 
ing wholly of wooden houses, a great part of them contiguous to each 
other and very dry, was quickly reduced to ashes ; but, it is said, the 
smoke, which blew directly in their faces, annoyed them more than it 
served them. Our people defended the entrenchment with great reso- 
lution till their ammunition was almost spent, and then retreated, 
leaving the regulars in possession of the hill, where they have since 
entrenched themselves. They purchased this advantage very dearly. 
A few more such conquests would ruin their army. But the best ac- 
count I am at present able to give you of the loss on each side is in the 
enclosed paper. 

Such is the tenderness of the Mother Country ! This, the method 
of securing and extending the commerce of Great Britain ! These, the 
inducements to submit to a power which claims to be despotic over us 
in all cases whatsoever ! What figure will this expedition make when 
it comes to be told in history ? May gracious heaven interpose to pre- 
vent farther evils. 

It will always give me the sincerest pleasure to hear of your welfare. 


Cambridge, June 12, 1775. 
Eevd. Sir, — The warmth of my affections for an amiable young 
gentleman, who was formerly my pupil, and has for a year past been 
connected with me in the instruction and government of the College in 

1 Rev. Edward Wigglesworth, D.D., grandson of the author of "The Day of 
Doom," and second Hollis Professor of Divinity in Harvard College, was born 
Feb. 7, 1731-2, and died June 17, 1794. See Bond's Genealogies of Watertown, 
p. 171. — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 298 

this place, must servo as my apology for addressing you at this time. 
My friend is Mr. Isaac Smith, who is descended from ancestors truly 
respectable for their piety towards God and benevolence to mankind. 
His father is au eminent merchant in Boston of the same name, well 
known in his commercial character on the exchange of Loudon. The 
affluence of the father's circumstances, in conjunction with a disposition 
to qualify the son for discharging the offices of manhood with extensive 
usefulness and reputation, gave my friend the opportunity of visiting 
Great Britain and France, soon after he had finished his academical 
studies; an advantage enjoyed but by few of the ministers in this 
Province. Mr. Smith, while but a youth, determined to devote his 
abilities to the service of God in the Gospel of his Son; from which 
determination he has not been diverted, either by the importunity of 
some of his connections, or by the prospect of those distinguished ad- 
vantages for accumulating wealth which would have arisen from enter- 
ing into trade with a father well versed in every branch of American 
commerce. Soon after his return from England, where he formed an 
acquaintance with the late excellent Dr. Amory as well as some other 
eminent dissenting clergymen, he was introduced to the desk by the 
ministers of Boston or its vicinage. Those of his discourses which I 
have had the pleasure of hearing have been rational, practical and 
serious, and delivered with that gravity and solemnity which became 
their importance. His pulpit performances have done honour to the 
College in which he received his education ; and been well accepted, in 
those parishes where he has occasionally ministred, by those of his 
brethren whose piety has been rational and not tinctured with super- 
stition or enthusiasm. And should Providence open a door for the 
exercise of his ministerial gifts, while he takes up his residence in 
Britain, I can't but persuade myself he will do honour to the country 
which gave him birth, and be happily instrumental in advancing the 
interest of the Redeemer's Kingdom. 

I should have addressed you by Mr. Smith, had not the convulsions 
into which this vicinity was thrown by the commencement of hostilities at 
Concord prevented my writing before his embarcation. To him I must 
refer you for a particular state of our public affairs at the time he left 
New England. Since his departure the provincial troops have taken 
the live-stock from four islands in the harbour of Boston; which they 
effected without the loss of a single man, notwithstanding those islands 
lay exposed to the fire of the British fleet, and in one instance they had 
to withstand the fire of a detachment both from the army and navy. 

Govr. H 's letter-book has fallen into the hands of our provincial 

Congress, and some of his letters have been communicated to the public 
through the channel of the Essex Gazzette. By means of the same 
paper his other letters to the British Ministry will be submitted to the 


inspection of the friends of that once excellent constitution of government 
which gave happiness to Britains and Americans. Mr. Smith's father 
will forward him our papers, as opportunities of conveyance present, 
which will put him into a capacity of making our friends in London 
fully acquainted with the state of this Province and with the temper of 
the Continent. 

With my most ardent desires that the present unnatural contest 
between the parent state and these Colonies may be speedily and ami- 
cably terminated, and that the freedom of both may be established on a 
sure and lasting foundation, I am, Rev d and Hon d Sir, 
Your obedient, humble servant. 

Edward Wigglesworth, 

Hollis Professor of Divinity. 
Revd. Dr. Price. 1 


Medfield, July 18th, 1775. 

Revd. and dear Sir, — Yours of April 29th I have received, and 
return you my hearty thanks for it. Yours also to Mr. Josiah Quincey 
is come into my hands, as he was gone from our world to be here no 
more. None of his relatives nor friends had the opportunity of seeing 
him, as the vessel he came in went into Cape-Ann harbour, thirty miles 
from Boston, from whence he was put on shore, but died the next day. 
We are ready to wish God had spared his valuable life. He might have 
been of great service to us in these calamitous times ; but we would 
meekly bear this public loss, as it comes from the alwise, righteous, and 
holy Governor of the world. Notw th standing Mr. Quincey's desire, 
Mr. Bromfield, I believe, would be justified should he open the pacquets 
sent to him, and not return them to America, as they might contain 
some articles of important intelligence proper to be known in England. 

The three generals you speak of have been in Boston a considerable 
time, w th the reinforcements, but are, there is reason to think, both 
disappointed and disheartned. The goods and tea brot over in the 
King's ships will be of no service to any merchant either at home or 
here, nor will they be hurtful to us, as they must be stored for want of 
buyers. Not a shilling's worth of. them will be sold except to the 
Tories in Boston, who have at present other things to mind than that of 
purchasing English commodities. 

The account of a defection at New-York was one of the many false- 

1 By a curious oversight this letter was addressed on the outside " To the 
Rev d Thomas Price, D.D., London." Wigglesworth was evidently thinking of 
his correspondent's uncle, Thomas Price, an eminent dissenting minister in 
London at an earlier period. — Eds. 

190:).] THE THICE LETTERS. 295 

hoods the friends of government (:is they call themselves) have en- 
deavoured to propagate here as well as in England. The people in 
that Colony are in general as firmly attached to the cause of liberty as 
in the other Colonies ; which, I suppose, is well known in London by 
this time. 

The hope of the ministry, and the dread of our friends, respecting 
the cooling of the hearts of people here, the increase of disunion, and 
the impossibility of carrying our commercial plan into execution, have 
no solid basis. Our spirits continually rise in warmth, our union is 
daily growing in strength and vigor, and such care is taken throughout 
the Colonies to bring into event the commercial plan, that, humanely 
speaking, there is not the least probability of a failure. 

Your merchants, we believe, are very hollow. Had they acted like 
men sincerely concerned for the prosperity of their American friends, 
we should not have suffered to the degree we have done. They may 
be assured, the Colonies have no expectation from them, as thinking 
they would willingly see them all enslaved, if their private interest 
might thereby be promoted. Perhaps some of them (I could mention 
their names) will never more have the advantage of commercial dealing 
w th any of the Colonies. 

General Gage, we had heard, had orders sent him to seize some of 
our leading men, and he had often opportunities to do it, but dare not. 
His endeavouring to take possession of the magazines has been the 
more immediate occasion of the war that is now commenced between 
him and all the Colonies, who are united as one in carrying it on. Our 
generals are constituted by the Continental Congress, the stile of our 
army is, the American Army, the expence is defrayed by the Colonies 
in common. The cause contended for is not looked upon as the cause 
of Boston or the Massachusets- Province, but of the whole American 
continent, who are as firmly united and determined as men ever were 
to risque both their fortunes and lives in defence of their rights and 

I shall now, with as much brevity as I can, give you an account of 
facts as they have happened, previous to the present civil war and 
since it began to this day. And you may rely upon what I vrrite as 
the real truth, notwithstanding you may probably have quite different 
accounts from those who are enemies to us, for they will, the most of 
them, speak falsely with as bold a face as tho they declared the real 

Col Lesly, about the latter end of March, was ordered by the Gen- 
eral to go with about an hundred men to Marblehead in a transport 
that had been provided for them, and to go secretly by night ; and from 
Marblehead he was to go by land to Salem, about 4 miles, and to bring 
off a number of canon our people had there. He went nearly to the 


place where the canon lay, but was obstructed in his passage by the 
drawing up of a bridge, made for the convenience of vessels passiug 
through ; and after about an hour's continuance at this pass was obliged 
to return to Marblehead, and get his men into the transport that brot 
them as soon as he could. Had he attempted to take the canon by 
force, he and his men would surely have been cut off. 

You must have heard before this reaches you of the battel at Con- 
cord. It was wholly occasioned by those who are seeking our ruin. 
The night before the 19th of April, about a thousand regulars were 
ordered, with as great secrecy as you can imagine, to go to Concord to 
seize or destroy our magazine there. They arrived at Lexington, six 
miles short of Concord, about sunrise, when our men, having had some 
previous notice of their coming, began to collect together in order to 
watch their motions. They found nearly an hundred of our people iu 
arms, and ordered them to disperse, which they accordingly did, but 
while they were dispersing, the King's troops fired upon them, killed 
six or seven upon the spot, and wounded some others. They then 
steered their course towards Concord. It has been pretended that our 
people gave the first fire, and I suppose such an account has been sent 
home. But tis a notorious falsehood. Some scores of persons then and 
there present, have given their affidavits under oath, that the King's 
troops killed six or seven of our men, and wounded others, before a 
gun was fired on our side. The same troops began the fire at Concord, 
but were soon obliged to retreat, tho attacked by not more than between 
two and three hundred of our men ; for no more had as yet got to- 
gether. When they had retreated as far back as Lexington, they were 
joined by Lord Percy with about 900 regulars sent by the General as a 
reinforcement. By this time our men were increased in number, from 
one and another of the neighbouring towns, and behaved with such reso- 
lution and fortitude, that Lord Percy's troops in common with the 
others were speedily obliged to be upon the retreat, and on they went 
retreating till they got back to Charlestown. It may be worthy of note 
here in favor of the King's troops, that two regiments from Salem, 
Marblehead, and some other towns that way, did not come soon eno by 
half an hour to fall upon them in the rear as they were retreating. 
Had they been able to do this, they must have been cutt off, or taken 
prisoners. We know that 240 of the King's troops were killed and 
wounded. How many more met with the like fate we cannot say with 
certainty ; but tis generally said and believed, that the number was not 
less than 450. In less than 24 hours after this engagement many thou- 
sands of our men were got together at Cambridge and Roxbury ; and 
we have now an army in these places of twenty thousand, as likely, able 
men as you would desire to look upon, in readiness to engage in any en- 
terprise in defence of our rights and liberties. By means of this army 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 297 

all communication between the King's troops and the country is cut off; 
and as no fresh provisions have from that time been permitted to go 
into Boston, the troops there are in suffering circumstances, and must 
continue to be so till they can make their way into the country, which 
they will find to be impractable. The day after the Concord light the 
passages from Boston into the country were by the General's order 
shut; insomuch that no person could go out of the town. What his 
special design in this was, we cannot with certainty say ; but in a few 
days of his own meer motion he sent for the selectmen of Boston, and 
made this proposal to them, that if the inhabitants would consent to put 
their arms into their custody they slid, have liberty to go out of town 
with their effects. The town was called together upon this occasion, 
and for the sake of their wives and children, and that they might secure 
their effects, they consented to deliver up their arms, and accordingly 
did it. But what followed hereupon ? The Governor, who is also the 
General, proved himself to be void of all faith as well as honor. He 
broke thro his own proposal in which he engaged to let the inhabitants 
go out of town with their effects. For a while he suffered the inhabi- 
tants to go, but not without a pass from him, which soon became so 
difficult to obtain that but few comparatively could get out; nor were 
any suffered to go out without being searched, and sent back, if there 
was found with them provisions of any kind, or any merchandise. 
The whole merchandise of the people in trade is to this day in Boston ; 
for what end I cannot say. The merchants in England are hereby 
greatly injured ; for tis impossible their debts should be paid, while the 
possessors of their goods can make no use of them in a way of sale. 
And tis probable, they will soon be the plunder of the troops. Mr. 
Gage has rendered himself the object of universal hatred and contempt, 
by his perfidy, cruelty, and oppressive conduct. 

The 27th of May another battle came on between the King's troops 
and ours. About three hundred of our men were sent to take from 
Hog- Island (about 3 miles from Boston) the sheep, lambs, and cattle 
which were there ; upon which a sloop, a scooner, and it may be an 
hundred boats filled with men were ordered by the General or Admiral 
or both to counteract our people in their design. This brot on a terri- 
ble engagement. It lasted between two and three hours. The isue 
was, our taking the scooner, driving away the sloop and boats, and car- 
rying off from the just mentioned island all the sheep, &c. It is 
acknowledged by the regulars themselves that a considerable number of 
their men were killed and wounded. We know not how many ; but tis 
generally said and thot that they lost nearly as many as at the Concord 
fight. We did not lose a single man and had but three wounded, and 
neither of them mortally. I heard General Putnam say, who had the 
command of our detachment, that the most of the time he and his men 



were fighting there was nothing between them and the fire of the enemy 
but pure air. They stood upon Chelsea-shore within reach of the ene- 
my's shot for some hours, and yet not a man of them was killed ; tho 
they killed a considerable number of those that came against them. 
This cant be accounted for but by recurring to a remarkable inter- 
position of Providence. The regular officers themselves acknowledge 
this was a fair fight, and that they were fairly defeated. 

The night before the 17th of June about fifteen hundred of our men 
were sent to Bunker Hill, in Charlestovvn, to throw up a breastwork 
and dig an entrenchment there. They began the work between 10 and 
11 at night. By the dawn of the next morning they were fired upon 
from a battery at Coops-Hill in Boston, which had some time before 
been erected by the General, and the fire was perpetual till about three 
thousand troops were landed from Boston on the north side of said 
Bunker's hill. Upon this there ensued a most terrible combat between 
the King's troops and ours. The King's troops retreated twice. The 
third time they came on much against their inclination. In very truth, 
they would never have ventured up the hill again had they not been 
urged to it by the swords of their officers pricking them along. They 
now got over the breastwork, such as it was, and our men retreated, 
and went down the hill on the south side. The loss on our side was 
nearly 80 or 90 men killed, and it may be an hundred and fifty wounded, 
not more than two or three mortally. By all accounts from those who 
have come out of Boston since this battle, not less than a thousand of 
the King's troops were killed, and nearly five hundred wounded, includ- 
ing officers with the privates. It is credibly said that not less than 
92 commissioned officers were killed and wouuded. When I relate to 
you some facts you will be able to judge whether the account of the 
enemy's slain and wounded is exagger[at]ed, as also whether our men are 
such dastardly creatures as Lord Sandwich represented them to be in 
the House of Lords. The poor were ordered out of the public alms- 
house in Boston by General Gage, and sent into the country, to make 
way for his wounded soldiers. The same was done by the people in the 
workhouse there. Both these houses will contain four hundred people. 
Soon after the Bunker-Hill battle, orders were dispatched by General 
Gage in a cutter to New- York, commanding all the troops that were 
coming there to proceed to Boston with all speed. I suppose they are 
all there by this time. These facts are not to be accounted for, unless 
his loss had been nearly as has been represented. The circumstances 
under which our men fought will demonstrate that they are not such 
cowards as they are said to be in England. Not more than 15 hundred 
fought with three thousand, and killed and wounded one half of the 
whole. On the north side of the hill on which the combat was, the 
regulars had a number of floating-batteries, which continually fired on 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 299 

our men. On the south side of the hill, and in coming to it, or going 
from it, they were annoyed by a number of the King's ships who were 
so anchored as greatly to endanger our men. In front of the hill, there 
was Coops-Hill battery, which kept up a continual fire. Besides all 
this, soon after the fight began the regulars in an inhuman cruel man- 
ner set fire to the town of Charles-town, which they wholly burnt down, 
to the unspeakable loss of hundreds of families there. Under such 
circumstances did our men fight, and with not more than half the num- 
ber the enemy had. And after all, they would not have retreated, but 
that they had spent their ammunition, tho they came out well stocked 
with it. Some of our people fired at the enemy twenty times, some 
thirty, and some till their guns were so heated, that they dared not to 
charge them any more. The King's troops, both officers and privates, 
now say that our men will fight like devils. So far as I can learn there 
is universal dejection and discouragement among the troops at Boston. 
Our army wish they would come out ; but tis not probable they will, 
tho they have a reinforcement from the troops designed for New- York. 

Our people in all the Colonies are firmly united and resolutely fixt to 
defend their rights, whatever opposition they meet with. And instead 
of being disheartened by what is done against them, they rise con- 
tinually in the strength of their determination to die rather than live 
slaves. Tis remarkable, notwithstanding the sufferings of the town of 
Boston, and other towns, and the general oppression all the Colonies 
are groaning under, I have never heard one who was not a Tory, so 
much as lispe, — Let us submit to the Parliamentary acts. 

I could have easily enlarged ; but have been obliged to write what I 
have done in a great hurry, as I am this afternoon going from this 
place, which is twenty miles from Boston, about 16 or 18 miles 
upon some special business. And Mr. Green, whose vessel this comes 
in, is going to Dartmouth before I shall see him again, from whence 
the vessel is to sail for Loudon. He promises me the letter shall be 
delivered by the master himself with his own hands. 

Mr. Winthrop lives now at Andover, about 27 miles from Boston. I 
saw him last week at his new-habitation. He is well, and would have 
undoubtedly wrote you, had he known of this opportunity. 

Next Wednesday, agreeably to the advice of the Continental Con- 
gress, this Province, having made choice of representatives, will meet 
in order to chuse counsellors, and to transact public business ; the 
Council acting in the place of the Governour, as they are allowed to do 
by our Charter when there is no Governor nor Lt. Governour, as is ap- 
prehended to be the case at present. None of the Colonies look upon 
Governor Gage or Lt. Governour Oliver as constitutional officers, and 
think we may constitutionally act without them. 

The following day, which is Thursday, will be observed by all the 


Colonies as a day of fasting and prayer, on account of our present cir- 
cumstances. Twas recommended to be observed by the Continental 
Congress. I pray God it may be observed in a truly Christian manner, 
and so as that it may be acceptable to heaven. 

I shall add no more, but that I am, with all due regards, 

Your assured friend and humble servt. 

Dr. Richard Price. [JVb signature.] 

I know not when I shall be able to write to you again ; but should 
be glad you would write to me as often as you can. Direct your letters 
to me at Medfield, and they will come safely. 

I shall send a number of late newspapers to Mr. Hyslop, who will 
give you the reading of them should you desire it. Mr. Bromfield can 
inform you of him. 


Medfield, near Boston, July 22d, 1775. 
Revd. and dear Sir, — In addition to what I wrote you in the 
utmost hurry by this same vessel, I would now say, having opportunity 
for it by Mr. Green's not going to Dartmouth so soon as he intended, a 
few things it may be gratifying to you to know. Our Continental Con- 
gress have published a declaration, setting forth " the reasons why they 
have taken up arms." They have likewise sent a Petition to the King, 
and an Address to the People of England ; all which you will probably 
have opportunity of seeing before this reaches you. Roxbury and 
Cambridge, the places in which our army is encamped, are so strongly 
fortified that were the King's troops three times as many as they are 
we should not be in the least fear of them. Our soldiers are continu- 
ally wishing they would come out ; but there is, as I imagine, no proba- 
bility of this. It is intended our army shall be increased to thirty 
thousand ; besides which, our minute-men are so numerous, that upon 
an alarm fifty thousand of them might come to the help of the army, 
should necessity call for it, in two or three days. We have a sufficiency 
of powder, notwithstanding the endeavours of the ministry to prevent 
it; and before next year we shall have a full supply within ourselves. 
We can make what cannon, shot, shells, bombs, &c, we want. We 
have at present as many in these kinds as we have occasion for. The 
King's troops in Boston are very sickly, great numbers die daily ; and 
no wonder, for they are confined w th in the narrow limits of Boston, 
not having fresh provisions or vegetables of any kind. They are indeed 
in a very pitiful, miserable, suffering condition, as is the unhappy 
case of our own people also who are yet in Boston, thro the perfidy 
of Govr. Gage. I expect the troops in Boston will most of them be car- 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 301 

ried off by sickness before the winter, unless they can como out into the 
country, which, 1 believe, they will find altogether impractible ; and 
this tho more reinforcements should be sent to them. They will die 
the faster, should their numbers be increased. Most of the ministers 
and churches in Boston, as well as its other inhabitants, are scattered 
into all parts of the country, and thousands of them totally undone as 
to this world. Tis astonishing to us that the people in England are so 
blind as not to see that every thing that is done against us is done 
against them. They may be ruined; but this will not be our case, tho 
we may suffer greatly. The ministry may imagine we can't live w th out 
commerce w th England, but they are greatly mistaken. We have all 
the necessaries, and many of the comforts and conveniences of life w th in 
ourselves ; and shall perhaps be better able to go thro the war than 
they are. You may rely upon it as truth that, instead of discord and 
faintheartedness, the Colonies are all united and couragiously resolute 
to suffer death, rather than submit to arbitrary, despotic government. 
I 'm ready to think by appearances in our army that it will not be long 
before some great enterprise will be engaged in ; and should it be suc- 
ceeded, as I trust it will, an end will be put to the war for this year at 
least. Our representatives have chosen Counsellers, and will soon ap- 
point Judges, and all civil officers necessary to our becoming a constitu- 
tionally governed people. Our late Govr. Hutchinson, being left of God, 
was so infatuated as to leave in his house at Milton his trunk of letters 
coming down to 1773, which has fallen into the hands of our late Pro- 
vincial Congress, and by a remarkable providence. These letters are 
now printing in our news-papers, and make such a discovery of the per- 
fidy, treachery, and villainy of the man, that his once best friends now 
give him up as a traitor to his country. It appears from these letters 
that for a course of years he has been carrying on one uniform design 
of enslaving his country. The ministry have all along taken their 
measures from him. But I must not enlarge. I fear I have tried 
your patience. I am, wishing you the best of blessings, 
Your assured friend and humble servt. 

\_The signature has been cut off.~\ 


Limerick, 5 Sept r , 1775. 
Dear D r Price, — I should have written to you in Wales, but I 
had nothing new to send you, and was letterally very much hurried, as 
well as very much stupifled, which I always am with a month's good 
living. I have here still less to entertain you from this out of the way 
country, but I flatter myself that you and Mrs. Price will not be sorry 


to hear that I am well. Look upon the map, and you '11 see a little 
Isle call'cl Valentia in the S. Western corner of the Old World. Oppo- 
site to this I have been this fortnight, where I found the lands in a 
state of nature, the people worse, the result of poverty and the Popery 
laws, which are subversive of all morality, publick or private confidence, 
and industry. I found these poor people under a degree of oppres- 
sion scarcely conceivable. The head tenants have no idea of draw- 
ing their subsistence from cultivating the ground, but from racking the 
poor people, which goes sometimes four or five deep, till you find the 
real occupier very little remov'd from the brute creation in appearance, 
food, dress, or state of mind. They have refin'd to such a degree upon 
this system, that I found a considerable tenant letting his land in ounces, 
a new measure, containing I suppose half a rood. The clergy are the 
worst landlords of all, and what mortifies me, who do not feel rich as 
you do, is that they shall demand tythe the very first year upon land 
which I give amongst the poor rent free for 20 year. 

I find all classes in this kingdom much more animated about America 
than in England. In every Protestant or Dissenter's house, the estab- 
lish'd toast is success to the Am cans . Among the Roman Catholicks 
they not only talk but act very freely on the other side. They have in 
different parts enter'd into Associations, and subscrib'd largely to levye 
men against America, avowing their dislike of a constitution here or in 
America, of which they are not allow'd to participate. On the other 
hand the Pari* pretend to no will but that of the Minister. I have no 
time to make reflections on this state of things, or what it may produce, 
nor is it necessary to you, so well able to form his own judgements. I 
ride here sometimes 13 hours out of the 24, by which means I hope to 
finish my business by the beginning of next month, when it will be 
great pleasure to me to find you and Mrs Price as well as I wish you 
both. Till then, dear D r Price, adieu. 

[_No signature.'] 


The best chronicle of facts, that can be communicated at present by 
one of the former directors of the London Annuity Society. 

1 Rev. William Gordon, D.D., was an Englishman by birth, and came to this 
country in 1770. In 1772 he was ordained minister of the church in Jamaica 
Plain. During the Revolution he took an active part in public affairs, and at 
one time was chaplain to the Provincial Congress. In 1786 he returned to Eng- 
land, and in 1788 he published his " History of the Rise, Progress, and Establish- 
ment of the Independence of the United States." He married a daughter of John 
Field, an apothecary in extensive practice in Newgate Street, London, and died 
in Ipswich, England, in 1807. See 6 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 151 ». ; Diction- 
ary of National Biography, vol. xviii. pp. 405, 406 ; vol. xxii. p. 235. — Eds. 

1903.] THE TRICE LETTERS. 303 

The officers of Gage's army had been toasting to the \lth of Jane, 
for near a fortnight or better. What particular expedition they had 
planned cannot learn ; but apprehend some grand one, and that it was 
disconcerted by the Bunker's hill affair. 

Charles Town was not burnt thro necessity, to cover the approach 
of the regulars, or to dislodge any provincials that were in and fired 
from the houses, that not being a fact ; but in consequence of a pre- 
vious resolution of Gen. Gage's. A married lady of my acquaintance 
(Mrs. Miller, a daughter of Mr. Cary of Charles Town) informed me 
Monday 3 weeks, Au* 21, at Cambridge, that before she left Boston, 
being alone with Lady Gage in her dressing room for an hour together, 
Lady Gage pressed her to remain there as the place of greatest safety, 
but finding her determined to quit the town, she desired her not to stay 
in Charles Town, for that the General was fixed upon destroying it, as 
soon as the provincials attempted to throw up any works on that side. 
This was confirmed to Mrs. Miller by three or four officers who told 
her the same. 

Mistakes on both sides. The provincials were directed by the 
proper powers to entrench on Bunker's hill ; by some inferior authority 
they were ordered to do it on Breed's hill, which was exposed to 
Gage's cannon on Copse Hill in Boston and the fire of the ships, which 
the first hill was not, being differently situated and at a greater dis- 
tance. Had not the ground marked out, nor the tools in readiness so 
as to begin working, till a quarter before twelve at night. Never re- 
lieved the next morning, nor refreshed with a supply of provision, but 
had to fight the enemy after all the preceding fatigue. The number 
that were engaged about a thousand ; the weight of the engagement lay 
upon about 300. Killed 120, wounded 300, died since of their wounds 
about 30. Made prisoners 30, all wounded. The wounded who were 
not prisoners had the advantage of fresh provision, good care, &c, so 
that very few of them died. 

The whole brigade under Gen. Howe was three thousand. Instead 
of landing and marching so as to escape the front of the entrenchment, 
and come upon the back of the provincials that were in it, they marched 
in front and attacked the entrenchment. Whether for want of knowing 
the ground, or out of military bravery, or for some other reason, know 
not. They advanced too slowly, which kept them the longer exposed 
to our fire ; were repulsed twice. A provincial was over-heard crying 
out, What shall we do ? our powder is gone. The}' returned and car- 
ried the embryo of an entrenchment, for it was no better. They buried 
upon the ground, officers and men, five hundred or more. Had 
wounded 800, and have lost out of them about five hundred. I give 
whole, even numbers, instead of broken. With killed upon the spot, 
and that have since died of their wounds, they have lost full a thou- 


sand of their best troops. The action lasted five and thirty minutes by 
the watch of a gentleman who noted its continuance on the other side 
of the river or ferry, at or about Chelsea. Thro mistake twelve pound 
cartridges were brought for their nine pounders, or nine for six, I can't 
say which. The provincials lost some brave officers, among which was 
my friend Dr., then Genl., Warren, the regulars a great many. After 
the engagement the regulars began to entrench on Bunker's Hill, the 
provincials on Winter's Hill and Prospect Hill (that division of them 
that was stationed at and about Cambridge) to prevent Gage's troops 
penetrating into the country from the way of Charles Town. Another 
part of the provincials that lay below my house, about Roxbury street, 
at the head of Boston Neck, began to add to the natural strength of 
their post by throwing up entrenchments, redoubts, &c. The provin- 
cials had a great advantage by the peasantry's poring in armed from 
the country immediately upon the Bunker's hill engagement, so as to 
be ready to support them the next day in case of any fresh attack from 
the regulars, who had sufferd too much to attempt doing it. Had all 
our officers behaved with courage, the regulars would not have got 
possession of the entrenchment ; but one Col. Gerrish proved cowardly, 
for which he has been since cashier'd. There is one of the same name 
in our new constitutional Council, chose by the assembly, but it is not 
the same person. Entrenching and fortifying has been a great part of 
the business on both sides ever since. There have been small expedi- 
tions by the provincials of various kinds, in all which they have suc- 
ceeded beyond what could have been expected. The provincial army 
has been regulating, since the arrival of Gen ls Washington, Lee, Gates, 
&c, who were upon the road when Bunker's hill affair happened, and is 
become 25 p ct. stronger than before. By next spring it will be far more 
formidable, unless some unexpected event should turn np. We have 
been in great want of powder, but our main difficulty as to that article 
is, I apprehend, at an end. About a month back the provincial army 
had not nine rounds a man, for I suppose near a fortnight. We 
have erected salt-petre works in many parts of the continent which 
succeed well. We shall be able to supply ourselves with a sufficiency 
by this time twelve month, if not before. The Saturday evening, be- 
fore I sat off, the left wing of the army uuder Gen. Lee detached a 
corps to entrench on what is called Ploughed Hill, an advanced station 
towards Bunker's. Twas expected that Gen. Howe would have at- 
tempted dislodging them, and that that attempt would have brought on 
a pritty general engagement on that side; the provincials prepared and 
wished for it, but the regulars contented themselves with cannonading, 
which did very little mischeif. The whole Lord's day they killed but 
two men, and wounded two others, one of whom is since dead. The 
provincials used to be much afraid of cannon balls and bombs, but find- 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 305 

ing they do so little mischeif, they grow hardened and pay small atten- 
tion to thein. 

The Continental Congress is now sitting. Am acquainted with 
many of the delegates, and shall soon be acquainted with most. They 
appear to be lixed and resolute; and articles of confederacy for the 
united colonies are in contemplation, and will be come into, should 
the ministry persist. Heard one of the Georgia delegates, Dr. Zub!y 
(who drew up the Georgia Congress to his Majesty, a Swiss) preach 
an excellent discourse last Sabbatli from the 5 of Eph. 15. 

The provincials and regulars must shortly betake themselves to bar- 
racks. Gen. Howe's brigade, having burnt Charles Town which other- 
wise might have served for barracks, must shortly retreat, I apprehend, 
to Boston, for they will not get materials for building. The regulars 
have suffered much by the dissentry and bloody flux, common at this 
season of the year, not having fresh provisions, vegetables, milk, &c. 
The provincials have had the like complaint, but not in such numbers, 
nor has it been attended with any great mortality. They had not 
buried, I believe, more than two hundred and fifty when I came away 
from Jamaica Plain, Au l 28, and then they were growing more healthy. 
They have plenty of all kinds of provision cheap. We shall be in no 
danger of wanting. God has graciously given us abundance, while the 
regulars are under great inconveniences. The stoppage of all exports 
wall be much to our advantage. It commenced on Saturday night, 12 
o'clock. From the greatest hurry in this port on Saturday, we are 
fallen into the profoundest inactivity. We can make as much paper 
money as we please, which will be a good circulation among ourselves. 
Our affairs are ripening like all others in America with an amazing 
velocity ; and the world will be soon astonished with a growing for- 
midable power that they had scarce any notion of. 

We have been before hand with the ministry, and have secured 
the friendship of the Indians, by kindling the fire and brightening the 
chain. The Canadians wish us success, and countenance an expedition 
now carrying on against the regulars at St. Johns, in the way to Mont- 
real, and we have reason to think will rejoice in finding themselves 
freed from under Carleton's government and at liberty to join us. Major 
Skeen told several of my friends in this city, that Ld. Dartmouth offerd 
him money to take off, alias bribe, the leaders. Col. Guy Johnson told 
the Revd. Mr. Kirkland that his Lordship had ordered him to suffer no 
Presbyterian ministers to go among the Indians, for that they were not 
friendly to government, and to encourage Episcopalians only; and upon 
this direction the Revd. Mr. Kirkland was detained by him a prisoner 
for a fortnight. Since Col. Johnson has been obliged to fly the country. 

The post in ; no news from the camp. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 12, 1775. 



You may communicate the contents to whom, and as you please. 
Let Mr. Field of Newgate street and Mr. Field, stationer, see it. 
Have no time to read it over. We have got the news of the Irish re- 
joycings on account of the Bunker's hill. 

Dr. Chauncy well, Monday fortnight. Dr. Franklin well. 


B[owood] P[ark], 15 Oct r , 1775. 

Dear D? Price, — I came here last night, and take the first oppor- 
tunity of transmitting you the inclos'd from Lady Arbella Denny. 

What a dreadfull crisis are our publick affairs reduc'd to? I look 
upon the Colonies as lost, no exertions can prevent it, and the conse- 
quence will be, that he will be the happiest who can live upon the 
least. I do not say it to excuse myself, for I am prepar'd to acquit 
myself. But nothing will do with a Court so determin'd and a people 
so indifferent. I am always affectionately yrs. 

[A dash in place of signature.] 


N[ewingto]n, Dec. [1775.] 
Dear Sir, — I take this opportunity to return you my best thanks 
for the letters of the 18th and 22d of July last with which you have 
favoured me. I have also received a very agreeable letter from Dr. 
Wiuthrop dateil the 6th and 30th of: June for which I beg you would 
deliver to him my acknovvledgem ts . I hope he has received a letter 
I writ to him about 5 or 6 weeks ago. The times are growing more 
and more serious ; but I will not touch upon political affairs, because it 
is not possible to know into what hands any letters may fall, or what use 

may be made of them. I have mentioned to Mr. D and Mr. S * 

some things I would wish to say to you, and they will inform you how 
things go on here. Dr. Pr — y has a book just printed containing his 
farther Discoveries on Air, which he wishes to convey to Dr. Winth — p, 
but he does not know how to do it. Should Dr. Franklin ever come in 

your way, or in Dr. W p's, be so good as to deliver to him my most 

affectionate an I respectful remembrances. He has lately, I find, been 
to visit the camp near Boston. His letter to Dr. P — y, dated the 
3d of Oct., has been received. There is no one whom we talk of with 
more regard and pleasure. Tell him I writ to him in Sept. by a person 
who, I believe, has been cajjled. Any intelligence you can get any 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 307 

opportunity for sending me will be extremely wellcome. It is a sad 
calamity that all communication between the two countries is now so 
much cut off. I continue to think as I allways did. A letter from 

Dr Wiggle th was some Lime ago delivered to me by Mr. Smith 

of Cambridge. Acquaint him, if you please, that I think myself much 
oblig'd to him for it. Mr. Br d has lately sent you a full collec- 
tion of most of our newspapers for some time past, and they will 
inform you, if they arrive, of the principal events that have lately 
happened here. 

May Heaven favour and bless you. 

I am, dear Sir, with the sincerest respect, 

Your very humble servt. 

Yesterday I received an anonymous letter dated Philadelphia Sept. 
12th. It contains a chronicle of facts many of them important and 

interesting; and informs me that you and Dr. Fr n were then 

well. I am much obliged to the writer for directing this account to 
me ; and I shall, as desired, communicate it to Mr. Field, and others 
of my acquaintance. I suppose the writer is Mr. Gordon, to whom I 
beg you would deliver my respects. 


[Dec, 1775?] 
Dear Dr. Price, — When I came here I left with Le Fevre at Shel- 
burne House my Book of Exports and Imports to fill up out of Mr. 
Morris's. He was to go to his house to do it, and I should suppose must 
by this time have finish'd it, and you may find it in his hands, as I re- 
member you told me you wanted to see the last years. I need not, I 
am sure, remind you, that all office informations require certain man- 
agements in the use that's made of them, least it should be trae'd to 
the individual who gives them, and who may be liable to suffer very 

The American cause gains ground daily in the country. Ld. Mans- 
field's last speech, which was very accurately publish'd, has done them 
great service. 1 I have seen very authentick letters from thence, which 
mention their marine as an augmenting one, and that by next spring 
they will [have] 30 frigates and sloops well manu'd and arm'd. 2 

1 The reference is probably to the speech of Lord Mansfield, Nov. 15, 1775, on 
the Duke of Grafton's motion respecting the British forces in America. See 
Parliamentary History, vol. xviii. cols. 955-958. — Eds. 

2 Congress showed great activity during the latter part of 1775 in providing 
for and equipping an American fleet, from which time the origin of the American 
navy may very properly date. See Force's American Archives, fourth series, 
vol. in. cols. 1896-1957, passim. — Eds. 


I should detain you too [long] if I was to give you all the compli- 
ments of your friends where we make a large society, agreeing in noth- 
ing more than in very sincere comp ts to Dr. Price. 

I beg mine to Mrs. Price, and am, dr. Sr., most cordially 

Yours, Shelburne. 


Paris, April 20th, 1777. 

Dear Sir, — I beg you will accept my thanks for the favour of your 
pamphlet, than which I never in my life read any thing with more 
satisfaction. 2 

But alas ! the decree is gone forth, and we are one no more. Provi- 
dence, by inspiring the same hardness of heart that delivered the 
children of Israel from their oppressors, has delivered us. A series of 
the most undistinguishing and inhuman barbarities by the German and 
British soldiery, together with Gen 1 Howe's order to put all persons to 
the sword who should be found in arms without an officer, have planted 
in the minds of all men an utter detestation of the British government. 

Congress have appointed a Committee to enquire into the cruelties 
that have been committed ; that if there be any distinction among the 
perpetrators, the punishment may fall where it is most deserved. The 
17th Reg*, which had behaved with remarkable cruelty, fought with 
such desperate valour at Princeton that they were almost entirely cut 
to pieces. And such was their brutal ferocity, that even during the 
action, which had various turns, if any American fell into their .hands 
they murdered him with the most savage inhumanity. This was the 
fate of General Mercer, a very brave and worthy officer from the State 
to which I have the honour to belong. 

These, Sir, are the lamentable fruits of Scotch principles and politics. 
But the calamity which they meant solely for us has fallen heavy upon 
them and their adherents. Elevated with the first appearance of 
success, and unmindful of the lenity which had spared and protected 
them, they openly and in all parts began to agitate the ruin of the 
people. This at once produced a distinction and a necessity of expel- 

1 Arthur Lee was bom in Westmoreland County, Virginia, Dec. 20, 1740, and 
was educated in England and Scotland. Returning to America, he practised as a 
physician in Virginia, and after a short time went again to England, studied law, 
and was admitted to the bar. In 1770 he was appointed agent in England of the 
Massachusetts House of Representatives. Subsequently he served in various 
diplomatic capacities on the continent of Europe. He died in Virginia Dec. 12, 
1792. — Eds. 

2 It was entitled " Additional Observations on the Nature and Value of Civil 
Liberty and the War with America." — Eds. 

190-°).] THE PRICE LETTERS. 300 

ling them, which was effecting by proclamation, and with every degree 
of lenity which the nature of tin: thing will admit of. In Virginia they 
are allowed to sell their property and depart in peace. But where the 
war presses and the enemy is invading, the necessity of the situation 
would not admit of more indulgence than time to remove their families. 

The new governments, in the different States, are well established; 
and that of the Congress deeply rooted. 

Amid these wonderful events, it is a source of infinite satisfaction to 
me, that I have the honour of being numberd with you and others as 
having earnestly and sincerely labourd to avert this calamity from 
England, and to persuade those in whose power it was to send forth 
the spirit of peace, and re-unite us upon terms of equal liberty. 

If any one can save a nation so pressd within and threatend without 
it is our friend Lord Shelburne. At least he is the only man of his 
rank whom I have the honour of knowing, whose virtues and abilities 
seem equal to the arduous task of retreiving a public overwhelmd with 
so many evils as that of England now is. Indeed, in my opinion, it 
woud require a people of more virtue than the world ever yet pro- 
duced, or than human nature will admit of, to resist the contagion of 
Scotch principles, to be united with Scotland, and not be undone. I 
mean as to its morals and public principles. The conduct of these 
people after their emigration to America proves the inveteracy of their 
national character. They had fled from the tyranny and exactions 
of their chiefs. In America, they found refuge and relief. Yet at the 
call of those very chiefs they took up arms to destroy their benefactors, 
or reduce them, and return themselves under that domination of which 
they had had such bitter experience. A striking instance how impossible 
it is to wean them from the principles of perfidy, slavery and ingrati- 
tude which are native to them ; and which mark them as a people, 
hostis humani generis. 

To form a nation upon the principles of equal justice and permanent 
liberty is perhaps little less difficult than to retrieve one from its 
degeneracy. That task is ours. So many various spirits are put in 
motion during a civil war, so many opportunities offer to the daring 
and the vitious, the sweets of power and pre-eminence are so necessarily 
tasted by so many, that it must be fortunate indeed if some of them do 
not attempt to augment and extend the enjoyment of them beyond the 
limits prescribd by a system of equal liberty. But it may be well 
hoped that these attempts will be frustrated by the checks of so many 
republics; and the vigilance of those who are aware of such conse- 
quences. Rome perished because the people mistook the spirit of 
faction for that of liberty, and because the collection of the whole into 
one head left no check, and renderd its corruption fatal to the whole. 

May your lights and labours, Sir, reform the degeneracy of the 


times, and re-inspire the spirit of liberty into the people of England. 
May the example of her children teach her how invincible that spirit is 
where it really operates ! The unworthy conduct of the Scotch govern- 
ment, to which she has submitted, has not so utterly extinguishd the 
love I bore her as to prevent me from wishing her most sincerely 
the full eujoyment of that liberty, which she has at least countenanc'd 
the Scots in their base and brutal endeavours to wrest from us. 

I must beg the favor of you to make my best respects to Ld. Shel- 
burne, Col. Barre, Dr. Priestley, and all those of our acquaintance who 
yet do me the honour of their remembrance, and remain unterrifyd and 
unseduc'd from the cause of truth and Liberty. 

I have the honour to be, with the most sincere respect and esteem, 
dear Sir, 

Yr. most obedt. servt., Arthur Lee. 


N[ewingto]n G[ree]n, June 15 th , 1777. 

The writer of this presents his best respects and wishes to Dr. 
Franklin, whom he always thinks of with particular regard. He begs 
the favour of him to convey the inclosed letters to the persons to whom 
they are directed. He supposes Dr. Franklin has frequent opportu- 
nities for sending to New-England ; and therefore has taken the liberty 
to trouble him with the care of the letter to Dr. Winthrop. 

The general talk here of military men and of the ministry is that 
Philadelphia will be taken, and the war with the Americans decided 
this summer. Distrest by the loss of their magazines ; disappointed in 
their views from Europe ; discouraged by disunion and desertion among 
themselves, and threaten'd by an invasion from Canada under Bur- 
goyne, all, it is said, is over with them. Such is the confidence with 
which this is given out that many of those who are least disposed to 
credit such assertions are stagger'd. So certain do the Bishops in par- 
ticular think the speedy conquest of America that they have formed a 
committee for taking into consideration measures for settling Bishops in 
America agreeably to an intimation at the conclusion of the Archbishop 
of York's sermon in Feb 7 last to the Society for propagating the 


Newistgton, June 15th, 1777. 
Dear Sir, — Accept my best thanks for the very kind and obliging 
letter with which you have favoured me. It gave me indeed great 
pleasure ; and I am particularly happy in the approbation you express 

190)5.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 811 

of my late publication. I have drawn upon myself a torrent of oppo- 
sition and abuse; but tbe .satisfaction I feel in the consciousness of hav- 
ing endeavoured to promote the cause of liberty and justice makes me 

abundant amends. Having done the little in my power, I have taken 

my leave of politics; and am now in the situation of a silent spectator 
waiting with inexpressible anxiety the issue of one of the most import- 
ant struggles that ever took place among mankind. Your hitter lias 
been communicated to the persons you mention at the conclusion of it. 
They are all well, but now out of town. I know you have a great 
share of their particular regard. We are much in the dark here ; and 
I am continually longing for some method of coming at truth amidst 
the numberless stories that are circulated here, and the mutilated ac- 
counts given out by the ministry. I should be much more large and 
explicit in answering your letter, were I not obliged to be very cautious. 
You will, I doubt not, consider this; and make allowances for me. 
Under a grateful sense of your kind remembrance of me, and with 
sentim ts of warm and affectionate respect, I am, dear Sir, your very 
obedient and humble serv*. 


London, June 15th, 1777. 
Dear S r , — -It is scarcely possible for me to tell you what gratitude 
I feel for the two letters I have lately received from you, and for the 
trouble you have given yourself about Mr. Parker's affair. The pieces 
of news-papers also which accompany'd your first letter were extremely 
welcome. Indeed every thing that can come to me from America is at 
present particularly interesting to me. I have wished much to be able 
to put into your hands some pamphlets which I have lately published 
on the war with America. By these publications I have drawn upon 
myself a vast deal of abuse ; but the comfort I derive from the con- 
sciousness of having in this instance satisfied my judgment and endeav- 
oured to act the part of a good citizen, makes me abundant amends. 
Having done the little in my power, I am now in the situation of a silent 
spectator waiting, with inexpressible anxiety, the issue of a most im- 
portant struggle. God grant that it may prove favourable to the inter- 
est of general liberty and justice. I have lately received a very kind 
letter from Mr. Gordon. What he says about Mr. Parker's affair has 
been communicated to him. It is exceeding kind in you to give him 
your aid in managing this business. Deliver my respects to him, and 
inform him, that I think myself greatly obliged to him for his letters. 
I would write to him a general letter of acknowledgm* ; but the short 
notice I have received of the opportunity w ch now offers itself does not 


allow me time. I am become a person so marked and obnoxious that 
prudence requires me to be very cautious. So true is this, that I avoid 
all correspondence with Dr. Franklin, tho' so near me as Paris. For 
this reason I cannot give Mr. Gordon the assistance he desires in writ- 
ing the History of the present war. There are publications here, such 
particularly as the Annual Register printed for Dodsley and the 
Remembrancer printed for Mr. Almon, w ch would give him a good deal 
of help in such a work. Remember me with all possible affection and 
respect to good Dr. Chauncy. Any accounts .w ch you can send me 
will be always very acceptable. There is less danger in receiving than 

sending accounts. Your letters to me and to Dr. P ly in 1776 

were received. Dr. P ly is at a distance from me in the country. 

He was very well when I heard from him ; and as anxious as I am. 

May Heaven unite us in that world of peace and righteousness where 
the wicked shall cease from troubling, and oppression be never known. 
With the most perfect respect and affection, I am, dear Sir, 

Your obliged friend and most humble servant. 


Bowood Park, 24 Sept r , 1777. 
My dear Friend, — It's a long time since I have had the pleasure 
of hearing from you. It therefore gave me great satisfaction to find 
that you and Mrs. Price were well by your letter to Dr. Priestley. I 
should have been in London before now, if the indolence of my life 
here, where I sit under the shade of trees of my own planting, and 
the seat of government having little inviting in a time of such publick 
calamity, had not insensibly detain'd me. I was inclined to write to 
you frequently, if I did not apprehend the fidelity of the conveyance, as 
long as you were at any distance of London. I wish'd to tell you of 
letters which I receiv'd from both armys, especially as those from 
Canada were quite necessary to form a right judgement of what had 
pass'd there, after the high colouring of the General of the King's 
troops. The most material particulars I find since in Gen 1 St. Clair's 
letter publish'd by the Congress; my accounts contain nothing more 
than that 50 Americans had not join'd them by the 12th of July, 5 
days after their boasted victory. I hear accounts of the same nature 
from Gen 1 Howe's army, who have found the country universally hos- 
tile, nothing but women remaining in the houses, no intelligence to be 
had, at the same time that Gen 1 Washington was instantly inform'd of 
every motion of the King's troops. That Gen 1 Washington had not 
above 10,000 troops with him, how many other corps were afoot, and 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 313 

what numbers, they were ignorant, but wherever they turn'd they were 
sure to meet an enemy. These accounts made the army despond of 
conquering the country, and certain that nothing decisive would take 
place this campaign. I hear the avow'd displeasure of Administration 
towards Gen 1 Carleton was his not employing the Indians sooner. In 
this state of things, America is safe, but, my dear friend, what will 
become of England? I just hear of some extraordinary orders given 
by Government, which mark something more than common apprehen- 
sions, for arming more ships, &c. When I write to you my heart and 
pen go together. But as it may affect others, and we have all to deal 
with a wicked Administration, I beg you'll not mention your authority 
for the above honest opinions from America, lest those who gave them 
should suffer for them. 

I have read with great pleasure L d Abington's pamphlet. 1 I hope 
all partys in the City will join in doing justice to his spirit, and to his 

I hope to be in London by Saturday sennight if not before, and shall 
not have more pleasure in any thing, than in assuring you that I am, 
Most truly y™. 


P. S. I beg my best comp ts to Mrs. Price. 


Zwol, Decern 1- 14 th , 1777. 

Sir, — I am so much interested in the affairs of the United Colonies, 

and entertain, without having the honor of being known to him, so 

much regard for the illustrious Author of the Observations on Civil 

Liberty, and of the Additional Observations, that I hope to be excused 

1 Lord Abington's pamphlet, " Thoughts on Mr. Burke's Letter to the 
Sheriffs of Bristol on the Affairs of America," was published shortly before the 
date of this letter. It attacked Burke for a supposed lack of zeal in opposing the 
war with the Colonies, and attracted the notice of all political parties. Within 
a few months after its first appearance it passed through five editions, and was 
revised and reprinted in 1780. — Eds. 

2 Johan Derk van der Capellen, Seigneur du Pol, was a noble of Overysscl and 
an eminent Dutch statesman. He was born at Tiel Nov. 2, 1741, and died sud- 
denly at Zwol June 6, 1784. During our Revolutionary period he warmly 
espoused the American cause, and was a frequent correspondent of John Adams, 
Benjamin Franklin, William Livingston, Jonathan Trumbull, and other promi- 
nent men. (See A. J. van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, 
vol. iii. pp. 148-152.) A collection of letters to and from him was published at 
Utrecht in 1879, under the editorial care of Mr. W. H. de Beaufort, in an octavo 
volume of more than eight hundred and fifty pages. — Eds. 



the liberty which I now take, and which I beg you would consider as 
the effect of the highest esteem and of a desire to be acquainted with 
a man who has deserved so well from his country and from mankind 
in general. 

You know, Sir, that his Majesty the King of Great Britain thought 
fit two years ago to avail himself of the influence of the Prince Stad- 
holder in order to obtain from the Republic, as a pure mark of friend- 
ship and without any ways being obliged in virtue of former treaties, the 
Scotch brigade which is in our service, to be employ d during the troubles 
in America. 

In quality of a member of the body of nobles of Overyssel, one of our 
seven provinces, I was obliged to vote in this difficult affair. All my 
collegues were of opinion to grant the brigade. An opinion which pre- 
vailed also in all the other provinces ; so that his Majesty might have 
had it, if he had chosen to accept it on condition of not employing it out 
of Europe ; — a restriction, which was made after long deliberations for 
many weeks by one or two cities in the province of Holland, particu- 
larly Amsterdam. There was only myself who thought this step full 
of danger, contrary to the interests of my country, and to those of man- 
kind. Among other expressions on this occasion I made use nearly of 

the following, " If our troops are not employed directly, they are 

at least indirectly, to quell what some have been pleased to call a 
rebellion of the Colonists in America. But I sh d prefer seeing Janis- 
saries hired for this purpose rather than the troops of a free state. 
There is nothing so horrible as this unnatural war among brethren ; 
and in which even the savages would not interfere, if we may believe 
the public papers. It would then be very strange that a people should 
do this who have been slaves themselves, who have also borne the 
name of Rebels, and who have gained their liberties by force of arms. 
But this step grieves me particularly, as I consider the Americans 
to be brave men who defend in a moderate, pious, couragious manner 
the rights which they hold as being men, not from the legislative 
power of England but from God himself ; who defend, I say, these 
rights in a manner which I hope will serve as a model to all people 
whose priviledges shall be attacked, and who shall be so happy as to 
have it in their power to mike some effort either to preserve or 
recover them." 

And that I might not appear to have opposed myself out of a spirit 
of contradiction, I caused my memorial, which was written in great 
haste, to be inserted in the Journals of the Assembly, reserving besides 
to myself a Protest against the Resolution taken from a plurality of 
voices in such a case as this, which absolutely requires the unanimous 
consent of all the members of the State. An open opposition against 
the declared intention of a Court which sovereignly disposes of the 

1903.] THE PRICE LBTTER8. 315 

army, of employments, &c., &c, &c, in fine which, according to the 
known proverb, appoints and deposes its lords and masters, was a 
phenomenon which could not f:iil making Borne noise in tin; world. 
My memorial lias appeared in print at many different times (a circum- 
stance very rare and almost criminal in a country where the ideas 
of civil government, the tights of the people, and the duties of the 
magistrates are still altogether so confused) ; it has been printed in the 
foreign gazettes ; but in those of my own country they have taken care 
not to have any thing to do with it. The Courier of the Lower Rhine 
was highly taken with it; but in 15 days after he was obliged to 
retract all the good things he had said of it. This littleness of mind in 
the person who thought himself offended, has afforded me a great deal 
of entertainment. And in order to prevent the effects which my me- 
morial might have produced, anonymous and probably hired writers 
were employ'd to abuse me without reserve, and to accuse me, among 
other crimes, of having dared to decide in a quarrel between England 
and her Colonies, which according to ray antagonists did not concern 
me, and with which they thought me as little acquainted as they were, 
in reality, themselves. 

At last in the following Diet the ruling States of my province began 
to perceive that this memorial contained indecent expressions, and that 
they were under the necessity of not suffering it to continue any longer 
in the journals of the Assembly : (from whence they derived this dis- 
covery is a secret, their High Mightinesses having thought proper 
to seal all the papers relating to this fine affair with the seal of the 
province and to place them among the arcana of the state) and at the 
same time they took the resolution of erasing my memorial and of giv- 
ing me the permission of inserting another, in which I should omit all 
that was offensive, and that did not directly belong to the subject 
of deliberation. This last clause related to the military jurisdiction 
(forum privilegiatum militare) an invention of our Stadholders, which 
I had called a monster, and which I did not imagine to be foreign to 
a deliberation, which might directly occasion an augmentation of troops, 
and of the disorders produced by them ; for I doubt not that the con- 
cealed design was, to replace the brigade with German troops, and 
notwithstanding this, to recall also the brigade, as soon as the King 
of England sh d have no further use for them. The two detachments 
sent to Surinam and Berbice a few years ago and changed since into 
permanent regiments justify my suspicions on this subject. You will 
perceive, Sir, that having by my birth the right of voting in the Assem- 
bly of the States, and of supporting my opinion by arguments which my- 
self and not my collegues thought agreeable, I was not obliged to accept 
from my equals a permission that I did not want : therefore I rejected 
it with disdain, waiting only for an opportunity of defending myself in 


public, and of informing posterity of the unworthy manner in which 
I had been treated. This opportunity soon offer'd itself. One of my 
principal crimes, as I have already had the honor of informing you, 
was my decision in favor of the Americans. It was with difficulty 
understood (tho' a very simple case) that it was not lawful for us 
to lend our troops to destroy our fellow-creatures without being either 
obliged to it or having examined by what right this was done ; and 
that all the blood which was shed in consequence of this conduct 
would inevitably be placed to our account. I was then delighted, Sir, 
to see your incomparable Observations on Civil Liberty make their 
appearance, since I was persuaded that I could not better justify my 
sentiments and my conduct with regard to this point than in giving 
a translation of them. This I accordingly did, and had the satis- 
faction of seeing it pass thro' two editions in less than a year, although 
a French translation, executed in haste by a person ignorant both 
of the languages and the subject, had preceded it some months. I 
take the liberty of laying a specimen before you. 

After having said something in the preface respecting the motives 
which led me to become a translator, an office altogether new to 
me, I have endeavor'd to render you known and esteemed among my 
countrymen, (as you are amongst all honest men in England,) and 
to prove how much you have been wrong'd in being accused of found- 
ing a new and dangerous system ; that you taught the same truths 
which great men, among others the celebrated Hutcheson, had long 
taught before ; and in order the better to convince the Hollanders of 
the solidity of your assertions I have taken from our own history 
(and I think myself the first who has had the boldness to consider 
the revolutions in 1672 and 1742 under this point of view) an argu- 
mentum ad hominem (as it is called) which reduces us to the alterna- 
tive, either of agreeing to what you have said with regard to the right 
of the people to model their own government as they please, or of 
owning that ours is only the effect of violence and imposture. I have 
finish'd this preface with some remarks on the unlimited liberty of the 
press ; a liberty which is still disputed amongst us ! 

With respect to the Additional Observations : In order, in some 
degree, to obviate the impressions produced by the publication of M. 
Goodricke, which has been translated here, I have, without entering into 
controversy, begun with a passage of the formidable Locke, in which 
he demonstrates, I think beyond all refutation, that the power of mak- 
ing and executing laws for civil society, does by no means imply the 
power of disposing of the property of citizens without their consent, 
given either in person or by their representatives. After which I have 
added an extract from Mr. Hutcheson, in which this friend of mankind 
treats of the reciprocal rights of mother-countries and their colonies. 



I have next inserted Dr. Franklin's l three letters to Governor Shirley 
which contain an abridgement of the principal arguments in favor of 
the American cause. I have then given long extracts from the Politi- 
cal Disquisitions by which I prove that the Americans have acted 
perfectly right in not submitting to a constitution so degenerate as that 
of England, a case which, according to Mr. Hutcheson, authorises the 
colonies to provide for their own security. After all this 1 have 
further inserted a passage from the System of Moral Philosophy (Vol. 2, 
pag. 273) to give an idea of the extent which this author (whose char- 
acter 1 have delineated in a note, from Mr. Leechmau's portrait of 
him) has allowed to the rights of the people beyond those of their 
governors. I have likewise added a sentence respecting the danger 
a people is exposed to, of being sooner or latter oppress'd by their 
own magistrates, if they do not share in the government by such 
an assembly of representatives as you have required in order to form 
a good government (an opinion not in the least understood in this 
country, where the most zealous patriots always seek for liberty in an 
aristocracy). I have given another sentence respecting the effects of 
this doctrine upon the repose of civil society, the war-horse of all the 
protectors of absolute power, — and I have closed all with explaining 
the end I had in view in translating this second piece, making no diffi- 
culty in declaring, that whatever may be its success I shall always esteem 
it honorable and glorious to have, so openly and in the quality of a magis- 
trate, protected the cause of the Americans, which I shall ever consider 
as the cause of all mankind. 

The liberty which I have taken in retrenching the Additional Obser- 
vations will I hope meet with your approbation when you are informed 
that the known taste of the generality of my readers led me to think 
that this might be done without injuring the work, or the effects I 
wish'd it to produce ; at least, Sir, I beg you w d not be offended at it. 
Upon this plan I have omitted almost all the second part. On the con- 
trary I have only left out of the third part from pag. 125 to pag. 146 
inclusive. Very few here trouble themselves with political ceconomy, 
and those who apply themselves to this kind of study have already 
read you in I^nglish, for which reason I thought it w d not be improper 
to proceed as I have done. 

With regard to the collection of pieces relating to a Memorial 
which I presented in the month of February last to the Assembly 
of the Estates of Overyssel concerning the preservation of the fun da- 

1 How charmed sh d I be to have some correspondence with this worthy man. 
If you could possibly, Sir, procure it for me, you w d afford me a sensible 
pleasure. My situation is truly deplorable in being obliged to seek for true 
patriots out of my own country, where I am considered and treated as a person 


mental laws of our constitution (if it be allowed that we have one !) 
and a copy of which I have the honor of presenting to you ; it owes 
its publication to the indiscretion of some persons who circulated, 
under hand, copies of a speech which I was obliged to make at the 
Assembly the 27 th of March when they persisted in refusing me a place 
in their Journals for the Memorial in question, and in making it a 
subject of deliberation. My patience was push'd to an extreme. I 
thought I had just reason to complain of the unworthy manner in 
which I had been every way treated. I avail'd myself, therefore, of 
this opportunity freely to retrace all the hardships I had suffered for 
having dared to say those things, during the deliberations on ceding the 
Scotch brigade, which I should have thought a crime to have been silent 
upon ; and it is thus that this speech (which you will find in the 
6 th pag. of the Collection, and which I have not written with the 
design of having it perpetuated, but only to be master of my own 
expressions) is connected to the Memorial above-mentioned (which you 
will see at the end of this Collection, &c.) and to my preface on the 
Observations on Civil Liberty. 

I dare say, Sir, that you have some friend who understands Dutch, 
and who can give you an account of many particulars, which I cannot 
enter upon without falling into the terms of a translation, and which 
would not indeed be my business. I really write in no other language 
than my maternal one. The little I know of any other has been 
acquired by reading, and I have only read for my amusement, without 
having ever foreseen that I sh d be called upon to appear in public. I 
can therefore assure you, Sir, that I am become a politician against 
my will. 

Monsieur Van Effen, the Minister of the Dutch Church in London, 
with whom I suppose you are acquainted, will recollect, perhaps, that 
he knew me at the University of Utrecht, and may be able to give you 
any information you can wish for. In this case I beg you would pre- 
sent him with my respects. 

I hope, Sir, that the warm expressions, which are the effects of 
a patriotic fire you cannot condemn, and which I have made use of in 
this Memorial with regard to your nation, in treating of the wrongs 
which I think mine has received on many occasions, will be no obsta- 
cle to an acquaintance which I have long wished to cultivate, and 
which I should rejoice to make the foundation of a friendship that 
I shall endeavor to merit with an ardor proportioned to the high idea I 
have of your talents, but above all of your character, and with which 
I have the honor to be, in asking your pardon for having tired you with 
a letter whose enormous length makes me blush. 

Sir, your very humble and very obed* serv*. 

J : D : Van Der Capellen. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 819 

P. S. Should you be pleased to honor mc with an answer, the 
following is my address. It is not that I live at Rotterdam. .My 
residence is at Zvvol, a city of my Province. But Mods* Valek will 
take care to convey whatever shall be addrcss'd to me. 

"Monsieur le Baron Van Der Capellen, Seigneur du Pol, Membre 
du Corps des Nobles de la Province d'Overyssel. a Rotterdam chez 
Monsieur Valck sur Le Leuvenhave." 


Bostom, May20tli, 1779. 
Rev d and dear Sir, — As the IIon b,e M r Temple is going to 
Holland, and may have it in his power to convey a letter to you w th 
safety, I could not excuse myself from writing by so favorable an op- 
portunity. What I have in view is to assure you, that the situation of 
our public affairs is not as has been represented by Governor Johnson 
and the Commissioners sent w th him to America. They were confined 
to Philadelphia and New-York the whole time of their continuance here, 
and had, nor could have had, no other information respecting the Con- 
gress, or the circumstances of these states, than what they received from 
British officers, and refugees who had taken part w th them. The minis- 
try therefore could, by their accounts, have no true knowledge of the 
state of things in this part of the world; and so far as they might be 
disposed to act upon principles grounded on these accounts, they 
must act upon the foot of misrepresentation, not to say direct falsehood. 
Governor Johnson by his conduct while here has proved himself to be 
nothing better than a ministerial tool, and is universally held in con- 
tempt. By his speeches in Parliament relative to America, he appears 
to have known nothing of its real state, or to have given a notoriously 
wrong representation of it. A very great part of what he delivered 
there, as we have had it in the newspapers, is wholly beside the truth, 
and indisputably so. We pity the man, but much more the ministry in 
giving so much credit to his accounts as in any measure to govern their 
conduct by it. 'Tis indeed acknowledged, our paper-currency has 
sunk in its value to a great degree, w ch has occasioned the price of the 
necessaries of life to rise to an enormous height ; but this has not been 
disadvantages to us collectively considered. None have suffered on 
this account but salary men, those who depended on the value and in- 
terest of their money for a subsistence, and the poor among us. As to 
the rest, whether merchants, farmers, manufacturors, tradesmen, and 
day-laborers, the rise of their demands has all along been in proportion 
to the depreciation of the currency and the rise of the necessaries of 


life thereupon. It may seem strange, bat 'tis a certain fact, that the 
American States, notw th standing the vast depreciation of their paper 
currency, and the excessive high price of provisions of all kinds, are 
richer now in reality, and not in name only, than they ever were in any 
former period of time, and they are much better able to carry on the 
war than when they began it. One great fault they are justly charge- 
able w th . It is this ; they have almost universally been too attentive to 
the getting of gain, as there have been peculiar temptations hereto since 
the commencement of the present contest. They would otherwise, I 
have no doubt, have cleared the land of British troops long before this 
time; and nothing is now wanting (under the smiles of Providence) to 
effect this, but such exertions of the King's forces as would generally 
alarm the country. There would then appear a sufficiency of strength 
to do by them as was done by Burgoin and his army. While they suf- 
fer themselves to be, as it were, imprisoned in New-York and Rhode- 
island, and go not forth unless to steal sheep and oxen and plunder 
and burn the houses of poor innocent people by surprize, it makes no 
great noise here, whatever, by pompous exaggeration, it may do in 
London. Our people want only to be roused, it would then be seen 
what they could do. I may add here, our freeholders and farmers, by 
means of the plenty of paper money have cleared themselves of debts, 
and got their farms enlarged and stocked beyond what they could other- 
wise have done, and rather than give up their independency, or lose 
their liberties, would go forth to a man in defence of their country, and 
would do it like so many lyons. The British administration hurt them- 
selves more than they do us as a people by continuing the war, and 
they must bring it to a conclusion, or they will ruin themselves instead 
of us. The longer they protract the war, the more difficult it will be 
to obtain such terms of peace as they might have had, and perhaps may 
still have. These States will soon lose that little confidence they may 
now place in the British ministry. None of the minority in Parliament 
have a worse opinion of them than is generally entertained here. A 
valuation of the Massachusetts-State has lately been made in order 
to its being properly layed ; and 'tis found, notw th standing the vast 
number of cattle w h have been slain for the army, as well as inhabi- 
tants, that they are more numerous now than in any period of time sioce 
the settlement of the country. In the County of Worcester only, w ch 
w th in my remembrance had but a very few inhabitants, there appears 
to have been more than fourty thousand head of cattle, and sheep in 
proportion. No longer ago than the year 1721 I rode thro' Worcester, 
now as well and largely inhabited a town as almost any in this State, 
and it was in as perfectly wilderness a condition as any spot between 
Boston and Canada, not an house or inhabitant to be seen there. I 
have mentioned this only to point out to you the internal source of pro- 

1903.] THE TRICK LETTERS. -°'-l 

vision we have, should the war be continued ever so long. Bat I may 
not enlarge. 

Your good friend Mr. Professor Wintrop died about 12 days ago. 
I am also grown infirm as well as old, and very unable to write, for w" 1 ' 
reason you will excuse the blots, as well as almost illegible writing of 
the present letter ; for I could not transcribe it to send it to you. 

If I sh (l live to see a settled state of things, I will, if I sh' 1 haw; 
strength, write you very largely upon our affairs. I am with all due 

Your friend and humble serv\ 

[iVo signature.'] 

P. S. Congress are as firmly united as ever in their attachment to 
the liberties and independence of America, and the people place as 
intire confidence in them as from the beginning, notw th standing all that 
Johnson and the other commissioners ridiculously (to me) endeavour to 
make people believe on your side the water. And uotw th standing the 
depreciation of our currency, and the high price of provisions, the 
people are more averse than ever to submission to Great Britain, and 
would rather die than come into it. Mr. Temple 1 has been from New 
York to Boston, and from Boston to Philadelphia, and from Philadel- 
phia back again to Boston. He went thro' most of the more populous 
towns between these two places, and as he had opportunity of seeing 
and conversing w th the first and best gentlemen we have in these States, 
he can, should he go to England, give you a more just and true account 
of our political affairs than you have yet had. And I believe you may 
depend upon his giving you an honest account of things among us. 


Bowood Park, 7 th Octob r , 1784. 
My dear Friend, — I take the earliest opportunity of acquainting 
you that I hope I have found in the Anabaptist preacher at Calne a 
person capable of forwarding the schemes I had regarding the poor. He 
is a man of an excellent private character, of a serious disposition, and 
has a manner of preaching and lecturing which takes I find with many 
of different sects who have been to hear him, without bordering even 
upon Methodism. It will be a great comfort to me, if he answers the 
purpose. The difficulty of finding a teacher shews the want there is of 
teaching, and I can never reconcile myself to living in the midst of so 
great a number of my fellow creatures, who are to my own knowledge 
more neglected in point of education and religion than they would be 

1 Afterward Sir John Temple, son-in-law of Governor Bowdoin. — Eds. 




under any government in Europe, except it may be Russia. I have 
thoughts of adopting the Chatechism you sent me of D r Watts, but I 
wish it still shorten'd and simplified. I should be very glad that at 
any leisure time you could look it over with this view. My idea is to 
inculcate the ordinary duties of a country life under the hope of reward 
and fear of punishment in the plainest and most direct language possi- 
ble. I will take the liberty of sending you the other particulars of our 
plan, as soon as we shall be able to compleat it. 

I take it for granted that you have seen the edict just now publish'd 
in France adopting your principles into their finance, as far as comes 
within the power of their government, without overturning the princi- 
ples of it. If you have not, I can send it to you. I likewise see they 
have establish'd h'ee ports, and are likewise taking several other very im- 
portant steps which mark their foresight, activity and wisdom. It 's 
very mortifying at the same time to see our time spent with faction, and 
the impression which our misfortunes made upon us turn'd to no ac- 
count. I know no more of what is passing in London than I do of 
what is doing at Constantinople, but I hope Government is forming 
some vigorous plan of finance and regulations of trade, which may 
bring back some of our wealth, excite a fresh spirit of industry, and 
check the disposition universally gaining ground to dissipation and cor- 
ruption. I am in daily expectation of seeing the Abbe Morellet here, 
who takes the opportunity of L d Fitzmaurice's return to make us 
another visit. It would give Lady Shelburne and me great pleasure 
if you could spend some days with him here, but I have too much 
respect and regard for M rs Price to think of proposing it. I beg to be 
kindly remember'd to her. 

I am with sincere regard y r affec te and oblig d h ble ser*, 



Dear Sir, — I have wished to write to you almost every week, 
since my first arrival in this country, but was restrained by this consid- 
eration, that I had nothing satisfactory to communicate respecting my- 
self. The same reason might still induce me to throw away my paper. 
But I can no longer deny myself the satisfaction of addressing you. 

I can convey to you no intelligence, concerning the civil and political 
state of this country, which has not already reached you from other 

1 An English clergyman of Irish parentage, father of the essayist. He spent 
three or four years in this country, and then went back to England, where he 
died in 1820. See 5 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. ii. pp. 358, 370, 371 ; vol. iii. p. 168 ; 
6 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iv. pp. 274, 275, 285, 308. —Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 323 

I learn, that you express a wish, in your letter to Mr. Clark, that the 
subject of Dr. Chauney's hook had never been started at Boston, appre- 
hensive of its unpromising influence upon the morals of the people. 1 
But I believe it will have an effect contrary to what you imagine. 
There is another doctrine circulating in this country, and received with 
great avidity by many persons, which the Doctor's book will have a 
tendency to overthrow. The doctrine, I mean, is published in different 
places, and with greater success than could be supposed, by one Murray, 
a man of some popular talents, and a disciple of Reiely's of London. 3 
This reference will fully acquaint you what this doctrine is. 

In twenty or thirty years, there will probably be here as much 
freedom of thinking upou religious subjects as there is at present 
amongst the Disinters in England. Dr. Mayhew, with the noble 
spirit of a man conscious of the dignity and importance of truth, led 
the way to this. The late war, which helped to dissolve the attachment 
of the people to their old systems, afforded some others an opportunity 
of pursuing it. The majority of the Boston ministers, and a great 
number of those who are dispersed through the country, are already 
Arians, but are yet generally afraid to avow their sentiments. I am 
very acceptable as a preacher in this part of America, and have some 
dark prospect of a settlement. Dr. Chauncy, and many others, treat 
me with great civility and friendship. Your favourable mention 
of me to the Doctor, in your next letter, would do me an essential 
service. I am afraid that that busy bigot Dr. Gordon endeavours 
to injure me. 

You have been told, I presume, by others, that I lived a considerable 
time at Philadelphia, and how I succeeded there, and that I was seized 
with a fever in Maryland last year, which rendered me useless, whilst 
I was groaning uuder a great expence, almost six months. 

If you have any enquiries to make concerning America in general, 
or any part of it in particular, I will endeavour to give you all the 
satisfaction in my power. 

In the mean time, I wish greatly to know the complexion of the 
times, and the whole state of thiugs amongst you. 

When you have leisure to favour me with a line, be pleased to direct 
to me to the care of the Revd. Mr. Latrop, Boston. 

Wishing you all happiness that can be possibly enjoyed, in this 

1 The reference is to Dr. Chauney's well-known work, printed in London in 
1784, entitled " The Mystery hid from Ages and Generations, made manifest by 
the Gospel-Revelation : or, the Salvation of all Men the grand thing aimed at in 
the Scheme of God, as opened in the New Testament Writings, and entrusted 
with Jesus Christ to bring into Effect." — Eds. 

2 James Kelly. See Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xlviii. pp. 7, 8. 
— Eds. 


world, and that better world, which is approaching, I am, dear Doctor, 
with the utmost esteem and affection, your often obliged and very- 
humble servant, 

"W. Hazlitt. 
Boston, 19 Octr., 1784. 


Dartmouth College, 25th January, 1785. 

Dear Sir, — I deferred writing till this time to give you the satis- 
faction of knowing that your donation arrived yesterday in safety, of 
which some time since an account was received in your obliging letter 
of July 25th. The Trustees desire that their most sincere thanks may 
be accepted. The books will be preserved in the library as a monu- 
ment of virtue, patriotism, and a system of political oeconomy. What 
a contradiction of scenes, my dear Sir, does the theatre of human life 
display ! what guides in philosophy and jurisprudence, but how few 
followers ! Eminent lessons of civil policy are acknowledged by all, 
while in republics most are attached (and ostensibly too) to the interest 
of themselves or their party. In regard to the last these States have 
three happy barriers. Equality of property, especially in the north, 
prevents the idea of undue influence; being without a redundancy of 
wealth the people have no leasure for partial combinations ; while the 
spirit of industry and gain triumphs over the spirit of faction. 

I am sorry that the indisposition of your lady continues. May nature 
in the hand of God afford a better remedy than the art of physic. The 
pains of our friends excite commiseration, and sometimes an anxiety, 
which even rouses the stoic from his apathy, and much more moves the 
heart of a true humane philosopher. 

The College is in a prosperous way ; and I cannot but hope that, 
under a divine providence, the wishes of the good respecting it will be 
greatly answered. 

I am much obliged, Sir, by your kind attention to Mr. Rowland's 
plan. It is needless to say how much we should have valued the 
strictures and emendations of so great a judge. History is subjected to 
that uncertainty which proceeds from ignorance, inattention, or preju- 
dice, large sources of error. And, the farther we trace back the annals, 
the greater is the doubt. This operates as to facts, but more strongly 
as to dates. But I will desist, before my pen misguides me too far, by 

1 Second President of Dartmouth College. He was born in Lebanon, Connec- 
ticut, Jan. 28, 1754, became President of the College in 1779, and died in Han- 
over, New Hampshire, April 4, 1817. — Eds. 

1903.] THE TRICE LETTERS. 325 

only beging that you would accept of the highest regard and esteem 
for yourself and your works of a very respectful friend. 
I aui, Sir, 

Your most obliged, obedient and humble servant, 



Pass*, Feb. 1, 1785. 

My dear Friend, — I received duly your kind letter of Oct. 21, and 
another before with some of your excellent pamphlets of Advice to the 
United States. My last letters from America inform me that every thing 
goes on well there ; that the new elected Congress is met, and consists of 
very respectable characters with excellent dispositions ; and the people 
in general very happy under their new governments. The last year 
has been a prosperous one for the country ; the crops plentiful and sold 
at high prices for exportation, while all imported goods, from the great 
plenty, sold low. This is the happy consequence of our commerce 
being open to all the world, and no longer a monopoly to Britain. 
Your papers are full of our divisions and distresses, which have no 
existence but in the imaginations and wishes of English newswriters 
and their employers. 

I sent you sometime since a little piece in titled, Testament de M. 
Fortune Ricard, which exemplifies strongly and pleasantly your doc- 
trine of the immense powers of compound interest. I hope you re- 
ceiv'd it. If not, I will send you another. I send herewith a new 
work of M r Necker's on the Finances of France. You will find good 
things in it, particularly his chapter on War. I imagine Abbe Morellet 
may have sent a copy to Lord Lansdowne. If not, please to com- 
municate it. I think I sent you formerly his Oonte rendu. This work 
makes more talk here than that, tho' that made abundance. I will not 
say that the writer thinks higher of himself and his abilities than they 
deserve, but I wish for his own sake that he had kept such sentiments 
more out of sight. 

With unalterable esteem and respect, I am ever, my dear Friend, 
Yours most affectionately, 

B. Franklin. 


Paris, Feb. 1, 1785. 
Sir, — The copy of your Observations on the American Revolution 
which you were so kind as to direct to me came duly to hand, and I 

i A short extract from this letter is printed in Miss Williams's "Welsh 
Family." — Eds. 


should sooner have acknowledged the receipt of it but that I awaited 
a private conveiance for nay letter, having experienced much delay and 
uncertainty in the posts between this place and London. I have read 
it with very great pleasure, as have done many others to whom I have 
communicated it. The spirit which it breathes is as affectionate as the 
observations themselves are wise and just. I have no doubt it will be 
reprinted in America and produce much good there. The want of 
power in the federal head was early perceived, and foreseen to be the 
flaw in our constitution which might endanger its destruction. I have 
the pleasure to inform you that when I left America in July the people 
were becoming universally sensible of this, and a spirit to enlarge the 
powers of Congress was becoming general. Letters and other informa- 
tion recently received shew that this has continued to increase, and that 
they are likely to remedy this evil effectually. The happiness of gov- 
ernments like ours, wherein the people are truly the mainspring, is 
that they are never to be despaired of. When an evil becomes so 
glaring as to strike them generally, they arrouse themselves, and it 
is redressed. He only is then the popular man and can get into 
office who shews the best dispositions to reform the evil. This truth 
was obvious on several occasions during the late war, and this charac- 
ter in our governments saved us. Calamity was our best physician. 
Since the peace it was observed that some nations of Europe, counting 
on the weakness of Congress and the little probability of a union in 
measure among the States, were proposing to grasp at unequal advan- 
tages in our commerce. The people are become sensible of this, and 
you may be assured that this evil will be immediately redressed, and 
redressed radically. I doubt still whether in this moment they will 
enlarge those powers in Congress which are necessary to keep the peace 
among the States. I think it possible that this may be suffered to 
lie till some two States commit hostilities on each other, but in that 
moment the hand of the union will be lifted up and interposed, and 
the people will themselves demand a general concession to Congress 
of means to prevent similar mischeifs. Our motto is truly <k nil des- 
perandum." The apprehensions you express of danger from the want 
of powers in Congress, led me to note to you this character in our 
governments, which, since the retreat behind the Delaware, and the 
capture of Charlestown, has kept my mind in perfect quiet as to the 
ultimate fate of our union ; and I am sure, from the spirit which 
breathes thro your book, that whatever promises permanence to that 
will be a comfort to your mind. I have the honour to be, with very 
sincere esteem and respect, Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble seiV. 

Th: Jefferson. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 327 


Boston, 8 l * Aug"*, 1785. 
Dr.Ait Sir,— After a short passage in the month of May I had the 
pleasure to find my family and friends all well. My chest and other 
baggage which I had ordered from Bristol to Cork did not reach there 
before I embarked, and coming without them I came without the last 
packets you entrusted to my care for several of your friends here ; 
this disappointment to them may be attended I hope with no great 
inconvenience to you. I mentioned to Dr. Chauncy and to President 
Willard that if I recollected right you had charged me with a packet to 
each of them ; the direction of the others I have forgot. My chest, 
&c, have not yet come from Cork, but I expect them by the first vessel. 
When I left London I had to travel by land thro a considerable part 
of England and Ireland, or I would have found a place in my portman- 
teau for your packets. The late edition of your pamphlet which you 
did me the honor to send me just before my departure, I handed to our 
new Governor, Mr. Bowdoin, for his perusal and he lately returned it 
me with thanks, being much pleased with the additions you have made 
to the last. Our people in the late choice of their Governor have 
discovered a discernment which does them credit ; we have a good 
deal to expect from his prudence and his integrity. The complection 
of our affairs in general, of our commerce in particular, is gloomy 
enough. I wish to see less connection with your country in the way 
of traffic, in the importation at least of unnecessary and useless arti- 
cles, and more connection in friendly intercourse and good offices, 
provided your administration becomes well managed and we can meet 
you upon equal terms and to mutual benefit. The appointment by 
Congress of a Minister to your Court, I hope will soon be followed by 
a like appointment from you to us ; such measures will lead more than 
any other to restore harmony and an association of interests between 
the two countries, and which I am persuaded might be made highly 
beneficial to both. The appointment of Mr. Adams which is here con- 
sidered a very judicious one, I hope may soon lead to a liberal treaty 
of commerce, which may give to this country greater facility in paying 
the debts already contracted with yours, % tho' in some instances they 
were injudiciously contracted on both sides, the like of which it is to 
be hoped will not soon again take place, but such a treaty will also 
tend to soften the minds of people here and remove prejudices on 

1 Jonathan Jackson was born in Boston, June 4, ! 743, graduated at Harvard 
College in 1761, and became a merchant. He was treasurer of Massachusetts 
from 1802 to 1806, and treasurer of the College from 1807 to his death. He died 
in Boston March 5, 1810. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, 
vol. in. p. 389. — Eds. 


both sides, which the sooner they are done away will the sooner bring 
us to such good offices as to forget we have quarrelled, and that so 

When our foederal government will be reinforced and braced up so 
as better to answer the purposes of its institution it is impossible to 
tell; the conviction seems to be general that something is needed, 
but what from an ill founded jealousy, as I think, of delegating too 
much power to the supreme head, and from a supposition of contrary 
interests in the different States, not so well founded, if we are to 
make one Republic, and that a respectable one, nothing yet is matured, 
and I fear it will be some time before any thing effectual is done. 
Necessity however must finally lead to it. A reform such as might 
be projected for a supreme legislative, judicial and executive to manage 
the foederal union, or rather I would say to manage our large family, 
dropping the distinction of separate sovereignties, by which reform 
an equal representation might now be introduced and always kept up, 
and such a representation is perhaps a sine qua non to the continuance 
of liberty under any government, — this, and perhaps one more reform 
in our manners -or rather fashions only, that of confining ourselves to 
an uniform habit throout our republic, changed only as the seasons 
change, we being subject thro all our climates in some measure to both 
extremes of heat and cold, these alone, it appears to me, would secure 
to us peace, liberty and happiness, as far as societies can enjoy it to- 
gether. The last mentioned reform would cut off one half, if not 
more, of the useless fopperies we import from Europe, and for which 
we make ourselves slaves to that country. It would not only abate the 
attention of the younger part of the community, at least to what are 
the greatest trifles in nature, and which fixes iu many of them trifling 
habits all their lives perhaps, but it would in time, if not immediately, 
lead to a reform in sentiments and manners very beneficial to our forms 
of government. But these reveries of the closet and the pillow can 
seldom be introduced into practice ; this I have been obliged to learn 
several years since and that one must only indulge themselves in them 
among their friends. 

I wished to see your friend Mr. J. H. Brown before I left England, 
and called for that purpose one of the last days I was in London, but 
was not fortunate enough to meet him. I hope that he gave himself no 
uneasiness that I did not meet Mr. Pitt. I daresay it was no fault of 
Mr. Brown's, and that the Minister's engagements were such then, what 
with Irish affairs and a Parliamentary Reform, he had no time to attend 
to less concerns, as he might think those which related to America to 
be ; for your Administration since the Earl of Shelburne quitted it 
have at least affected to hold us in an unimportant and diminutive 
light, a strange reverse of what was held up to the nation of our 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 329 

importance when they were endeavouring to subjugate us. It might 
have been perhaps no disservice to me personally to have seen Mr. 
Pitt or some of your Administration while I remained in England, pro- 
vided a communication and free intercourse should ever again take place 
between our two countries, and any supplies should be needed from 
hence for your fleets or forces which may at any time be stationed in 
our neighbourhood at Nova Scotia or Newfoundland, more especially if 
the same Administration should continue, as I think it would not have 
been dilficult for me while in England, and might not now be, to give 
them full assurance that my partner, Mr. Iligginson, and myself had as 
many facilities to serve them, and would do it as faithfully as they 
might find any others here to do it. The gloomy appearance here of 
commerce in general leads me to seek some such safe business, if I 
could find it, to provide for a large and increasing family, it having 
been the business I was bred to. In the mercantile phrase our firm 
is — Jackson & Iligginson, at Boston. We are both well known to 
Mr. Adams whom I have no doubt if enquired of, would affirm to 
our rep[ut]ations being fair. I made an acquaintance last year with 
Mr. S. Smith, Member of Parliament who lives in Bloomsbury Square, 
and with whom I flatter myself that I left some favourable impressions. 

Should affairs between us be coming round in the accommodating 
way and any public contracts or commissions for supplies should be sent 
this way, if you, my good Sir, when you may be in the Minister's closet, 
which I suppose is sometimes the case, should see no impropriety in it, 
and could just drop our names as fit persons here, it may essentially 
serve me, and I dare aver as a man of truth and honor that no one here 
shall more faithfully do any business of the kind mentioned if com- 
mitted to us than Mr. Iligginson and myself, a reasonable commission 
or allowance being made us for our trouble. My expectations are not 
very sanguine that such accommodations will come round as to lead to 
any opening of this kind, and still less but that other seekers more im- 
portunate and greater favourites will get the employ I have turned 
your attention to. You will therefore please to excuse my taking up 
your time upon a matter so little promising. 

I should be much gratified if your correspondents are not already 
too numerous to have your communications, now and then as your 
leisure will permit, upon such speculative subjects as you think may be 
usefull to our rising States, or upon any movements in the political line 
which are taking place, or like to, and which have a veivv to us. I am 
sensible this is asking almost too much of a man whose daily labours 
must be considerable in his own profession, and upon whom the public 
has learnt to make so great claims. If I request too much you must 
Dot hesitate to refuse me. 

I wish that Heaven may continue your health and usefulness and re- 



store that of Mrs. Price's ; tho' personally unknown to her please to 
present my respects to her and to the lady who presided at your table 
when I had the pleasure of being there. 

Your friend Dr. Chauncy appears to be in good health for an old 
gentleman past eighty ; he complains however of having arrived to his 
second dotage, and perhaps he is not mistaken, for he has been lately, 
since my return, paying his addresses to a widow of forty, to whom he 
would have given his hand had not she and her friends been possessed 
of more discretion. This communication is to excite you to a little 

I am, as I left England, with warm impressions of your favourable 
attentions to me while there, with great respect and esteem, my good 

Your sincere friend and obliged servant, 

Jon n Jackson. 
Rev d Doct r R. Price. 


Cambridge; October 6 th , 1785. 

Kev d Sir, — As the ministers in this Commonwealth, and the Presi- 
dent and Professors of the University in this place, have had it in 
contemplation, for some time past, to establish a fund for granting 
annuities to their widows ; and as they have a bill now pending in the 
General Court for incorporating a Society to conduct the same, I thought 
it would be a matter of some importance to them to determine with as 
much accuracy as possible, 

" Whether the ministers, President and Professors are subjected to 
the same rate of mortality, which pervades the whole body of the 
people in any place, where regular Bills of Mortality have been kept." 

The employments and mode of living of the ministers, President and 
Professors expose them to those diseases which are peculiar to per- 
sons leading sedentary and contemplative lives ; at the same time that 
they exempt them from others to which different classes of the people 
from their particular occupations are incident. How far the situation 
of the clergy is favourable or prejudicial to health and life, can be 
determined only by comparing the rate of their mortality with the rate 
of mortality amongst the body of the people, in all the various classes 
in society. And till this is done, it will be a matter of great uncertainty, 
how far any tables already calculated from any Bills of Mortality, will 
be applicable to the purposes of such a Society. For I do not find any 
of the Reverend Doctor Price's Tables, formed from such a class 
of men. 




Had there been kept, for a century past, an exact register of the 
ages of the ministers at the time of their decease, the rate of their 
mortality might have been determined with the greatest precision. But 
as our ancestors were not apprised of the importance of such registers, 
this hath not been done. For this reason some other method must be 
taken to determine the point. 

The method which appears to me the most likely to effect it with the 
greatest possible exactness is, by endeavouring to trace out the rate of 
mortality among those persons who have received the honours of the 

Upon reviewing the catalogue of graduates, for this purpose, it 
appears that 2400 persons had been admitted to them from 1711 to the 
year 1784 inclusive; of whom 1342 were alive at the republication 
of it in 1785 ; namely, 

from 1711 to 1720-156 persons were 
1721 - 1730-371 
1731 - 1740-315 
1741 - 1750-261 
1751 - 1760-306 
1761 - 1770-436 
1771 - 1780-419 
1781 - 1784-136 

5 of whom were living, at the 

Commencement in 1785. 










As the number of graduates has been different in different years, it 
will be necessary to reduce to the same standard the classes of the 
several divisions in the above distribution of the catalogue. To this 
end some number must be assumed as the radix of the calculation ; 
which number may be taken at pleasure. But for rendering the calcu- 
lation as easy as possible, 100 has been assumed as the radix of it. 
Of consequence the following computations are made on supposition 
that 100 persons have annually received the honours of the University. 

On this supposition the proportion of the living in any period into 
which the catalogue has been distributed, to the whole number of 
graduates in the same period, may be determined by theorem 1 st . 

Let n = the numbers of years in any period. 

G = the number of graduates in the same period. 
H = the number of them still living. 
R = the radix of the calculation. 

L = the number that would have been living, had each class 
consisted of 100 graduates or the radix. 



Theorem 1 st As G : H : : Rn : L. — Hence it is evident that the 
proportions are as follows, 

In the 1 st period, As Rn = 1000 

2 nd 

3 rd 

4 th 

5 th 

6 th 

7 th 


1000 : 

L = 

: 32 

1000 : 
















: - 





From these elements, the probability of the continuance, the decre- 
ment and the expectation of the lives of the Cambridge graduates, may- 
be calculated by the following theorems. 

Let n and L be as before. And m = the radix in the first instance ; 
afterwards = the number of graduates living in the year immediately 
preceeding the period, of which the ratio of the annual decrement of 
life is sought. 

Theorem 2 nd . = r = the ratio of the annual decrement of 

life, supposing the decrement equal 

in each year of the period. 

Theorem 3 rd . m — nr == N = the number of graduates living of the 

standing required. 

For m — r = the number of them in the first year of the period : 

m — 2r = the number of them in the second year. And by 

continuing to subtract the ratio n times, the number 

of them in the n th year is obtained. 

That expectation of a graduate of any standing may be found by 

Theorem 4 th 

Let N = the number of graduates living of the same standing with 

the person whose expectation is sought. 

P = the sum of all the graduates living of every standing more 

advanced than that of the person whose expectation is 

required. Then, 

N + P 
Theorem 4 th . — — .5, or half unity, is equal to the expectation 


This is the general rule, given by the Rev d D r Price, for finding the 
expectations of all single lives by a table of observations. 

The following table is adapted to the radix of 100 graduates, and 
will give the probability, decrement and expectation of their lives, with 
accuracy ; as long as the proportions of the living to the dead, in the 
several periods, remain the same they are at present. 
















■3 J 


100.0 1.5 37.79 



















































The Table. 

-4 1» 

i* It 









ha 's.a 

85 s « > 

o> 5 >h .£ 

50. 29.4 

51. 26.8 
62. 24.1 

53. 21.4 

54. 187 

55. 18.1 

56. 17.5 

57. 16.8 

58. 16.2 

59. 15.6 

60. 15.0 



63. 13.1 

64. 2M 

65. 10.4 








All that now remains in order to determine, whether the ministers, 
President and Professors are subjected to the same rate of mortality 
which pervades the whole body of the people in any place where 
regular Bills of Mortality have been kept will be, to find the mean age 
of the Harvard graduates, at the time of their commencing Bachelors 
of Arts. This age, added to their standing, will give their mean ages. 
And by comparing the expectation corresponding to the mean ages of 
the graduates, with the expectation of a person of the same age in 
D r Price's Tables, we shall get a solution of the question under 

For this end I have carefully examined the register of the students 
admitted into the University for seven years, viz. from 1775 to 1781 
inclusive ; and find that their mean age at the time of receiving the 
first honours of the Society is twenty one years. 

Upon comparing the expectation of the Harvard graduates, found by 
this process with the expectations of persons of similar ages in most 
of D r Price's Tables, it appears that the former generally exceed 
the latter in expectation of life. 

How far this may effect the permanency of the Society proposed to 
be established, I am not at present able to determine. Probably, if you 


should submit the matter to the consideration of the Doctor, he would 
do it with more precision than any gentleman among ourselves. 

What appears to me at present most expedient is, that the intended 
Society should take the Doctor's Tables for the whole kingdom of 
Sweden, as the basis of their calculations. The expectation of life is, 
indeed, less in Sweden than among the Harvard graduates. But the 
inconveniencies arising from this cause may, I apprehend, be guarded 
against, by the Society's making the annuities payable to the widows 
subject to a diminution, in case it should hereafter appear from Registers 
of Mortality kept in this country, that the annuities were stated higher 
than the funds of the Society would admitt. 

Should you judge it expedient to consult the Doctor on this subject, 
and to ask his opinion on the most efficacious method of making the 
intended Society a permanent one, you have my consent, should you see 
fit, to transmit to him the preceeding observations and calculations 
either in whole or in part. I am with the greatest respect and esteem, 
Reverend Sir, 

Your affectionate friend and humble servant. 

Edward Wigglesworth. 

Rev d Joseph Willard, D.D., President of the University and Chairman of 
the Committee of the Convention of Ministers, entrusted with the Care of form- 
ing the Society. 


Dear Sir, — I wrote a short letter to you above a year ago, which, 
I believe, you have received, as the answers I have had to those which 
accompanied it were an evidence that the whole packet arrived safe. 
Notwithstanding some untoward circumstances, I still hope that the 
American Revolution will be finally beneficial to the whole human race. 
I, therefore, wish you to continue your benevolent exertions to melior- 
ate and enlighten this people, and to arouse them to improve and per- 
fect their several forms of government. No man living can influence 
them so much as you. You are furnished, I know, almost every day 
with an ample detail of the state of things here. But you have one 
correspondent, I mean Dr. Rush of Philadelphia, whose information I 
cannot help cautioning you to receive with diffidence. He is the tool 
of a party, whilst his vanity leads him to imagine himself the principal, 
who are labouring to destroy the present constitution of Pensylvania, 
and to introduce in its room one which is in a great measure aristocrat- 
ical, and, in my opinion, very inimical to liberty. He hates Dr. Ewing, 
on account of his superior abilities, and particularly because he is a 
friend to the present constitution, and has fifty times his influence. He 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 335 

made a very scurrilous and base attack upon the Doctor, when he was at 
a great distance from Philadelphia, and, what particularly characterises 
him with me, is, that he represented the D r as an iniquitous man, on 
account of his Catholicism, thinking that this measure would effectually 
ruin him with the public. After pretending that he himself was my 
very good friend he, upon mere suspicion, proclaimed me a Socinian in 
the news papers and reproached Dr. Ewiug as an unprincipled hypo- 
crite, because that he, being a Presbyterian, was affectionately attached 
to me, and had warmly recommended me to be the pastor of a church 
at Carlisle, and the principal of that University. This conduct, so un- 
gentlemanlike with respect to me, and so inconsistent with his own past 
professions of esteem and friendship, and that great assiduity with which 
he affected to serve me, disgusted me exceedingly, and made me think 
meanly of him ever since. I was first introduced to Dr. Rush by Mr. 
John Vaughan. He, then, paid me many fulsome compliments, con- 
gratulated the country upon the acquisition of such a man as he said I 
was, told me that he had heard me preach, and that my sentiments 
were too enlarged, and my compositions too elegant for the undiscern- 
ing multitude, but lamented that there were not many such, in the 
country, to cultivate a rational mode of thinking, and to disperse that 
darkness which overspread it. He afterwards talked to me, in the 
same strain, and promised me great things. But when he found that 
there was a popular clamour against me, as the editor of Dr. Priest- 
ley's Appeal, &c, printed at Philadelphia, he coldly told me that he 
was contented with the religion of his ancestors. This declaration 
then lowered him much in my estimation. But still I did not think 
him capable of that subsequent conduct which I mentioned above. Dr. 
Latrop of Boston is as worthy a man as in America. 1 He is friendly, 
generous, and without guile. On whatever accounts he sends you from 
his own knowledge you may absolutely depend. Dr. Chauncy, you 
know, is thoroughly honest. But he takes it for granted that the 
world will continually be growing worse until the consummation of all 
things. Besides, his warm temper frequently leads him into mistakes. 
Mr. Clarke is very sensible and ingenious, whilst he possesses a great 
share of vanity. There are some other intelligent and very worthy minis- 
ters in Boston, particularly Howard, Everitt, and Elliot. 2 The late Dr. 
Mather, though a treasury of valuable historical anecdotes, was as 
weak a man as I ever knew. 3 He took it for granted, that his last let- 

1 Rev. John Lathrop, D.D., of the Second Church. — Eds. 

2 Rev. Simeon Howard, D.D., of the West Church; Rev. Oliver Everett, of 
the New South Church ; and Rev. John Eliot, D.D., of the New North Church. 
— Eds. 

8 Rev. Samuel Mather, D.D., son of Cotton Mather, born in Boston Oct. 80. 
1706, graduated at Harvard College in 1723, settled in the ministry in 1732, died 
June 27, 1785. — Eds. 


ter to you would make you a Trinitarian, just as he supposed that his 
last letter to Dr. Lardner made him die of a broken heart. I am sorry 
that the people of England are squandering away great sums of money, 
in endeavouring to raise Nova Scotia into consequence. The old set- 
tlers and the refugees hate one another. The former are removing 
here as fast as they can sell their farms. The others are a horribly 
abandoned set, who damn the king and the country, and who are, some 
few excepted, determined to stay no longer there than they are sup- 
ported in idleness by Great Britain, or a permission be granted them to 
return to the United States. I am now by the desire of Mr. Vaughan, 
at Kennebec River, where, according to present appearances, I shall 
probably settle. I wish that you were young enough to think of a 
tour through this continent. Your presence would do much good. I 
am, dear Sir, your very affectionate and humble servant. 

W. Hazlitt. 
Hollywell, 15 Nov r , 1785. 

If you should have leisure to write to me, be pleased to direct to me 
at Boston, N. England. 


Boston, March, 1786. 

Rev 15 Sir, — The two young gentlemen of the name of Lewis whom 
you recommended to my attention were in Boston when your very 
obliging letter, dated in June last, came to hand. One of them, the 
eldest, has been since doing business in New-London, in Connecticut. 
The other brother went from this town to Nova Scotia, where he had 
accounts to settle, and after he had finished his business there, he told 
me it was his intention to go to his brother at New-London. 

Those worthy young gentlemen met with some unfriendly treatment 
in this place, at a time when the spirits of the trading part of the people 
were irritated by the operation of British acts of trade, and just at the 
time when a number of our merchants had their orders sent back unan- 
swered, and their ships without freight. 

It will be easy for you to conceive a number of traders had it in their 
power, and that they would not want a disposition, to raise a clamor 
against those English merchants who resided among us. The news 
papers, which are free enough in this place, were filled with pieces tending 
to irritate and inflame. But I feel happy in reflecting that before jour 
letter came to hand, I had seen the young gentlemen and invited them 
to my house, and had used my endeavors to soften the minds of people 

1 Minister of the Second Church in Boston, born in Norwich, Connecticut, May 
17, 1740, graduated at Princeton in 1763, died in Boston Jan. 4, 1816. — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 337 

towards them. Your letter coming to hand before the young gentle- 
men left the place gave me sufficient support, and they might have 
tarried in peace as long as they pleased afterwards, had they found 
business could have been done to advantage. 

The state of commerce at present in this country is not favourable to 
adventurers from Europe. The large credit which your merchants 
gave at the beginning of the peace lilled the country with goods. The 
operation of several acts of the British legislature respecting commerce 
with America prevented our merchants making remittance in the ways 
they had been used to, and were obliged to send away the cash ; very 
little is now remaining, and a great part of the goods not paid for. 
Bankrupcies are daily taking place ; taxes cannot be collected in suf- 
ficient quantities to support the credit of government. Many who 
loaned their money to Congress or the particular States are put to great 
difficulties, and some who depended on receiving their monies thus 
loaned to answer the demands of creditors on the other side the water 
are brought into the most wretched circumstances. But I do not de- 
spair ; I am not discouraged. Good will come out of this evil. Happy 
for us, your merchants will not send out goods, as they have done in 
years past. Our people will be more industerous and I hope more vir- 
tuous. We shall be obliged to apply to our own resources, and learn to 
live with less foreign superfluities and luxuries. If our seaport towns 
do not increase, as we who live in them wo d naturally wish, our inland 
country will be filled with more inhabitants. The wilderness will be 
subdued, and we shall make more speedy advances in strength and real 
wealth than we should if foreign trade was encouraged to the utmost. 

But so short is human life, so uncertain are all things temporal, that 
I often blame myself for beiug anxious about the wealth and power of 
the people with whom I am connected. The late important revolution, 
I fear, hath in times past too much engaged my attention. My expec- 
tations from new forms of government were too sanguine. We find 
time and experience are necessary to teach us wisdom. Our systems 
are imperfect; but so many States are to be consulted that it is difficult 
to agree on the necessary amendments. It seems as if suffering were 
necessary to teach us ; happy for us if we learn before the sufferings be 
so great as to break the constitution. 

But while we wish and pray for the peace and happiness of the 
kingdoms and nations of the world, we are looking for a better country, 
even a heavenly ; that we may meet in that better country, and culti- 
vate that acquaintance which, on my part, is began with great pleasure 
with you, Sir, in this, is the sincere wish of, Rev d Sir, 

Your affectionate friend and most humble servant, 

John Lathkop. 
Rev d D r Price. 




Boston, April 2nd, 1786. 

Rev d Sir, — In the letter I had the honour of writing to you some 
months ago, I informed you that a volume of the Memoirs of the 
American Academy was at the press, and that I should take the first 
opportunity of sending you a copy of it. 

It being now finished, I beg the favour of your acceptance of a copy, 
w ch ye R ev d j) r Gordon, w i 10 i s so kind as to take charge of it, will 
cause to be delivered to you. 

It will be highly acceptable to the Academy to be favoured with 
communications from Dr. Price, especially with such as are the pro- 
duction of his excellent pen. Will you permit the Academy to hope 
for some of them, that their next volume may be rendered valuable by 
,y e insertion of them ? 

With sincere regard, I have the honour to be, Rev d Sir, 

Yr most obed', hble. serv*. 

James Bowdoin. 


Cambridge, April 6, 1786. 

Rev d and dear Sir, — I this day received your letter of the 23 d 
of March, 1785, accompanied by three copies of the second edition of 
your tract, addressed to the United States, one of which I have de- 
livered to Professor Williams, agreeably to your desire. I am much 
obliged to you for this new instance of your politeness and friendship. 

I wish my country may profit by your advice in all respects. My 
greatest fear is for our national credit. However, I think the prospect 
is now pretty fair for the Congress being furnished with the means of 
paying the interest upon the public debt, and gradually sinking the prin- 
cipal, as all but one State, as I hear, have granted the impost, &c, recom- 
mended to them ; and I think that State will not venture long to 
impede the measures of the other twelve and hazard the Confederation. 

When I suggested the hint of the donation from Dr. Priestley, I 
knew that his publications were numerous ; but from this very circum- 
stance I supposed that he would be the more able to make it to the 

1 First President of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and when 
this letter was written Governor of Massachusetts. He was born in Boston 
Aug. 7, 1726, graduated at Harvard College in 1745, and died in his native town 
Nov. 6, 1790. — Eds. 

2 Joseph Willard was born in Biddeford, Maine, Jan. 9, 1738; graduated at 
Harvard College in 1765; became President of the College in 1781, which office 
he held until his death, at New Bedford, Sept. 25, 1804. —Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 339 

University, as I presumed lie must have made something handsome 
to himself by his works. However, I find by your letter that " he 
is by no means rich" \ and I would not wish anything from him that 
would in the least straiten him. 

I have sent you by Dr. Gordon, who is so kind as to take the 
charge of this letter, a volume of the first fruits of the American Acad- 
emy of Arts and Sciences, which I beg your acceptance of as a token of 
my sincere esteem and friendship. I wish it may in any measure 
answer your expectations. In this new country, the materials for such 
a work cannot be expected so various or learned as in old countries. 
However, I hope we shall improve as we grow older and shall, from 
time to time, offer something to the public that will not be altogether 
unworthy of their reception. 

Several months ago I wrote you by a ship of Mr. Foster's. I hope 
you have received the packet long since. 

I wish, Sir, to hear from you whenever your leisure will allow you 

to gratify me. In the meantime, permit me to subscribe, 

With the greatest esteem, Rev d Sir, 

Your obliged friend and very humble serv*. 

Joseph Willard. 
Rev d D r Price. 

P. S. Please to deliver or send to Dr. Priestley the letter enclosed 
with this. 


Anningsley, near Chertsey, April 8, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — M rs Day begs me not to omit her respects, which I 
am therefore obliged to put in here. 

I regret that in an affair of the nature of the poem, you should think 
it necessary to consult any judgment but your own; but as you have 
referred to me, with whatever reluctance I may undertake to express 
an opinion upon so invidious a subject as an author's poetical merit, I 
will certainly obey you, when I receive the poem. At the same time, 
there may be one reason why you should not implicitly trust the dic- 
tates of your own mind; and that is, the great goodness of your mind, 
which inclines you to undertake a task that most other people would 
have declined at the first offer. 

For these reasons, I shall take the liberty of making a few observa- 
tions which I recommend to your discretion and secrecy, and which must 

1 The eccentric author of " Sanford and Merton," born in London June 22, 
1748, and died Sept. 28, 1789, as the result of an accident. See Dictionary v of 
National Biography, vol. xiv. pp. 239-241. — Eds. 


be perfectly impartial, as I know nothing of the author and have not yet 
received the poem from M r Stockdale. Poetical excellence, like every 
other excellence, is not very common ; and in an age which abounds 
with so many versifiers, a mediocrity of this, like every other talent, 
will excite very little curiosity. As to the composition of an epic poem, 
it must certainly possess either a very extraordinary degree of merit, 
or it must be tiresome and insipid to the last degree ; witness, the very 
small number of attempts in this nature which have succeeded in so 
many ages and countries. I cannot say, that such a genius may not 
arise in America ; but till I see proofs of it, I have very little faith in 
the prodigy. All the attempts I have hitherto seen in that way from 
that country are certainly not above mediocrity. The poem of Col. 
Humphreys is but indifferent; 1 and Stockdale for my entertainment 
has sent me down another extraordinary performance called the Con- 
quest of Canaan, which is also intended for an epic poem. 2 The writer 
of this long, tiresome work is certainly not destitute of poetical genius, 
had he cultivated it more, and published less. The lines are in gen- 
eral easy and flowing, and the descriptions neither destitute of fancy 
nor strength ; but the whole plan is so extremely injudicious and tire- 
some, that the writer might as well have called it an elegy, a tragedy, 
an eclogue, or anything else in rhyme, as an epic poem ; and I defy 
the most resolute reader to wade through it without yawning an hun- 
dred times. If, as I suspect, the Columbiad 3 should prove of the same 
nature, I fear the poor auth[or will] be much disappointed in the 
sanguine ideas he entertains of impro[ving h]is fortune by it. From 
the inclosed letter which you sent, he seems to be of the " genus irri- 
tabile vatum, " and I cannot help lamenting that he has honoured you 
with a post which I fear will prove so troublesome. You are to con- 
sider that the character of an author of this kind bears a much closer 
analogy to that of Catiline, than your friend Dr. Shebbeare could ever 
make out for you ; " ardeus in cupiditatibus ; satis eloquentiae, sapien- 
tiae parum " : and his expectations from his own productions are gen- 
erally " immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta." The office you have 
undertaken must at all events prove troublesome, and the discharge of 
it, with whatever fidelity, can hardly be expected to please. He com- 

1 "A Poem, on the Happiness of America; addressed to the Citizens of the 
United States. By D. Humphreys." It was printed in London in 1786, and 
reprinted in Hartford. A presentation copy from the author to Brig. Gen. H. 
Jackson is in the library of the Historical Society. — Eds. 

2 " The Conquest of Canaan ; a Poem, in eleven Books." It was by Timothy 
Dwight, afterward President of Yale College, and was printed in Hartford in 
1785, and reprinted in London in 1788. A copy of the English edition, given by 
John Quincy Adams, is in the library of the Historical Society. — Eds. 

3 " The Vision of Columbus ; a Poem in nine Books. By Joel Barlow, Es- 
quire." Hartford, 1787. 

1903.] THE TRICE LETTERS. 341 

missions you to dispose of the copyright ; but, when it is remembered 
that Milton sold his immortal work for ten pound, what offer of a 
London bookseller for this production of Western genius is likely to 
satisfy the author? From the disposition he seems to make of the 
prod [uce] he seems to me to entertain ideas which are never likely to 
be realized. [Would] it not therefore be better, before you took any 
decisive measures, to acquaint the author with the offers that have 
been made, and let him decide about the disposal of his own invaluable 
property? Should your good-nature think of printing it yourself, 
though I would not wish to stint your bounty, you will pardon me, 
who, from being a brother author, am alive to all the misfortunes of 
the trade, if I suggest the possibility of your being considerably out of 
pocket ? At all events these reflexions can do you no hurt, and if your 
own good-nature prompts you to overlook them, it is my duty to pre- 
sent them to your mind. I am, with the greatest respect, 

Yours, &c, 

T. Day. 


Philadelphia, 22 nd April, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — I am very happy in being able to inform you that the 
test law was so far repealed a few weeks ago in Pennsylvania as to 
confer equal priviledges upon every citizen of the State. The success 
of the friends of humanity in this business should encourage them to 
persevere in their attempts to enlighten and reform the world. Your 
letter to me upon the subject of that unjust law was the instrument 
that cut its last sinew. 

The States have almost generally appointed a Convention to sit next 
September at Annapolis, for the sole purpose of conferring upon Con- 
gress additional powers, especially for the purpose of regulating our 
trade. Republics are slow in discovering their interest, but when once 
they find it out they pursue it with vigor and perseverance. Nothing 
can be done by our public bodies till they can carry the people along 
with them, and as the means of propagating intelligence and knowledge 
in our country are as yet but scanty, all their movements are marked 
with appearances of delay and procrastination. To remedy these in- 
conveniences, Colleges, newspapers, and posts are establishing in all 
our States. I have thrown my mite into these necessary undertakings 
by publishing a small tract containing a plan for the diffusion for knowl- 
edge, and a few thoughts upon the education proper for a republic, a 
copy of which I have sent for you directed to the care of Mr. Granville 

I have requested Mr. Dilly to send you a copy of an oration which I 


had the honor to deliver before our Philosophical Society last winter 
"upon the influence of physical causes upon y e moral faculty." It has 
had a quick sale and an extensive circulation in this country. As it 
contains some new opinions in religion and morals, as well as in physic, 
it will stand in need of the protection of my friends in London to pre- 
serve it from the rage of criticism. If political prejudice blends itself 
with literature, I shall find no mercy from British reviewers. I have 
avoided every thing that could awaken an idea of the folly of Great 
Britain in the late war. In science of every kind men should consider 
themselves as citizens of the whole world. The oration is dedicated to 
our great and good friend Dr. Franklin. 

A volume of transactions will be published by our Society in the course 
of a few weeks. It will contain many useful essays, particularly two 
long ones by Dr. Franklin, one on chimneys, the other on the means 
of lessning the evils and dang[ers of] navigation, both written on his 
late [journey] from Europe to America. 

Continue, my dear Sir, to love, to def[end and] to enlighten the 
United States. We sh[all not] disappoint nor disgrace you. The 
vi[gorous] good sense and the property of our count [ry are] coming 
forth daily, and seizing upon power and offices. The scum which was 
thrown upon the surface, by the fermentation of the war is daily sink- 
ing, while a pure spirit is occupying its place. Please to communicate 
these facts to Mr. Adams, who I know from his perfect knowledge of 
human nature and of our country will be prepared to believe them. 

Yrs. sincerely. 

B : Rush. 

P. S. I am sorry to perceive by my letter to you dated October 15, 
1785, and printed in all your papers, that you have in your note mistaken 
my ace 1 of the alterations in the articles, liturgy, &c, of the Episcopal 
Church in the middle and southern States. Their Articles are still 
Calvanistical, and. they hold no union in principle with the new sect of 
Episcopalians in Boston. I wish this matter could be rectified in your 
papers, but without my name. 

The Socinian tenets are confined to a few people. I do not find that 
the spirit of enquiry that has broken out in religion has among any 
sects, except one in Boston, invaded the doctrine of the Trinity. 

April 23«* /86. 


Philada , May 25 th , 1786. 
Dear Sir, — My last letter to you by Capt. Kennady contained an 
account of an intended Convention of the States to assemble at Annap- 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 343 

olis in Maryland next September, for the purpose of agreeing upon 
certain commercial regulations, and of suggesting such alterations in the 
Confederation as will give more extensive and coercive powers to Con- 
gress. We entertain the most flattering hopes from this Convention, 
especially as an opinion seems to have pervaded all classes of people, 
that an increase of power in Congress is absolutely necessary for our 
safety and independence. Most of the distresses of our country, and of 
the mistakes which Europeans have formed of us, have arisen from a 
belief that the American revolution is over. This is so far from being 
the case, that we have only finished the first act of the great drama. 
We have changed our forms of government, but it remains yet to effect 
a revolution in our principles, opinions and manners, so as to accom- 
modate them to the forms of government we have adopted. This is the 
most difficult part of the business of the patriots and legislators of our 
country. It requires more wisdom and fortitude than to expel or to 
reduce armies into captivity. I wish to see this idea inculcated by your 
pen. Call upon the rulers of our country to lay the foundations of their 
empire in knowledge as well as virtue. Let our common people be 
compelled by law to give their children (what is commonly called) a 
good English education. Let schoolmasters of every description be 
supported in part by the public, and let their principles and morals be 
subjected to examination before we employ them. Let us have Col- 
leges in each of the States, and one federal university under the patron- 
age of Congress, where the youth of all the Stares may be melted (as 
it were) together into one mass of citizens, after they have acquired the 
first principles of knowledge in the Colleges of their respective States. 
Let the law of nature and nations, the common law of our country, the 
different systems of government, history, and every thing else con- 
nected with the advancement of republican knowledge and principles, 
be taught by able professors in this University. This plan of general 
education alone will render the American revolution a blessing to man- 
kind. As you have staked your reputation upon this great event, with 
the world and with posterity, you must not desert us till you see the 
curtain drop and the last act of the drama closed. A small pamphflet 
addressed by you to the Congress, and the legislature of each of the 
States, upon this subject, I am sure would have more weight with our 
rulers than an hundred publications thrown out by the citizens of this 
country. It will only be necessary in this pamphflet to be wholly 
silent upon those subjects in Christianity which now so much divide 
and agitate the Christian world. The wisest plan of education that 
could be offered would be unpopular among 99 out of an 100 of the 
citizens of America, if it opposed in any degree the doctrine of the 
Trinity. Some of the members of the reformed Episcopal Church in 
the middle and southern States complained of the note you published 


with my letter in the English newspapers. It has injured them in the 
opinion of some of the English clergy. You will perceive from their 
prayer book, that their Articles, tho' reduced in number, are equally 
CaWanistical with the Articles of the old English Church. 

It is with singular pleasure that I inform you that public and private 
credit are reviving every where, and that laws are gradually coming 
into force to compel the payment of old English debts. Whoever con- 
siders the effects of war upon morals in all countries, and then adds to 
these the effects of a sudden, total, and universal dissolution of all gov- 
ernment, such as took place in America during the late war, will not be 
surprised at any of the events that have happened or at the laws that 
have been passed since the peace. It requires less charity than good 
sense to make proper allowances for all the vices of our country. 

The letters written by D r Nisbet to his friends soon after his arrival 
in America, from which so many extracts have been published in the 
Scotch papers, were written under a deranged state of mind, occasioned 
by a fever which fixed itself upon his brain. The Doctor has since 
perfectly recovered his health and reason, has been reinstated in the 
College, and is now perfectly satisfied with our country. 

Oar venerable friend Dr. Franklin continues to enjoy as much health 
and spirits as are compatible with his time of his life. I dined with 
him a few days ago in a most agreeable circle where he appeared as 
chearful and gay as a young man of five and twenty. But his conver- 
sation was full of the wisdom and experience of mellow old age. He 
has destroyed party rage in our State, or to borrow an allusion from 
one of his discoveries, his presence and advice, like oil upon troubled 
waters, have composed the contending waves of faction which for so 
many years agitated the State of Pennsylvania. 

I beg my most respectful comp ts to Mr. Adams, with whom I am 
happy to find you live upon the most intimate terms. 

Should you conclude that the publication of any part of the intelli- 
gence contained in this letter, will serve our country, you are at liberty 
to make that use of it, but I must request that you will not give my 
name to the public with it. 

With the greatest respect, I am, my dear Sir, 

Your sincere friend, and most humble servant, 

Benj n Rush. 

P. S. Most of the complaints against our country which are pub- 
lished in your papers come from British agents, or from a sett of men 
who have setled among us since the peace, who want either virtue or 
abilities to maintain themselves, and who would have been poor and 
unhappy in any country. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 345 


Boston, 18 th July, 178G. 

Rev d and hon d Sir, — I received your letter dated May 27 th , and 
thank you for your remarks upon the late publication of my venerable 
colleague. Your sentiments perfectly coincide with my own. I have 
long been of the opinion that the Mosaic history of the creation, fall, 
&c, was not to be understood according to the literal sense of tbe words. 
Dr. Chauncy has writ ingeniously upon the vulgar supposition ; but I 
think that can by no means be admitted. The work, however, may do 
some good ; particularly that part which exposes the sophistry of Dr. 

I am happy to find Mr. Adams among your hearers and particular 
friends. In America he is highly esteemed. His political abilities, 
patriotism and integrity greatly endear him to his countrymen. But 
their want of his virtues must be extremely mortifying to him. He 
must often blush for his country. And his present appointment he 
must consider as one of the very humiliating events of his life. 2 

Dr. Chauncy enjoys his health, but his mind is much impaired. He 
is but the shadow of his former self. Your letter to Mr Ilazlett is 
delivered. That to Dr. Wheelock will be safely conveyed. The 
Tractate on Church Music is now circulating among the people to 
whom it is particularly addressed. When I have more carefully perused 
it, I will candidly own the impression it makes. That it was compiled 
with the most friendly view, is the opinion of all who have read it; 
and particularly so of 

Your much obliged and most humble serv*. 

John Clarke. 

P. S. I would beg leave to observe that we do not style ourselves 
Disseuters but Congregationalists. 


Cambridge, Massachusetts, July 27, 1786. 
Rev d and dear Sir, — Permit me to express my gratitude for the 
obliging manner in which you were pleased to communicate to the Rev d 

1 Rev. John Clarke, D.D., was born in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, April 
13, 1755, graduated at Harvard College in 1774, was ordained over the First 
Church in Boston in 1778, as colleague with Rev. Dr. Chauncy, and died April 
2, 1798. See Ellis's Hist, of the First Church, pp. 208-215. —Eds. 

2 Mr. Adams was at the time this letter was written minister plenipotentiary 
to Great Britain ; but it is well known that the feebleness of the government 
which he represented was a serious and mortifying embarrassment to him. See 
Life and Works of John Adams, vol. i. pp. 413-425. — Eds. 



President Willard your judicious remarks on the Expectation of Life 
among the Harvard graduates ; and at the same time to return you 
thanks in my own name, and in behalf of the ministers of this Com- 
monwealth for the kind assistance you have given them in the formation 
of a plan for providing annuities for their widows. 

The General Court of the last year, at the close of the sessions, 
passed an act for incorporating a Society, by the name of The Massa- 
chucetts Congregational Charitable Society, with power to hold an 
annual income, not exceeding three thousand pounds. The annual 
income of the Society is to be " applied to the support of such widows 
and children of deceased Congregational Ministers, who have been or 
shall be settled within this Commonwealth, and of the widows and 
children of the Presidents and Professors of the University, as in the 
opinion of the said Corporation shall be proper objects of the said 

The corporation, judging it within their province to provide a par- 
ticular fund for granting annuities to the widows of the subscribers, 
appointed a committee to prepare a plan for that purpose. The com- 
mittee, having considered the two plans which you communicated to the 
President, were of opinion that the plan mentioned in the postscript 
of your letter would, for the reasons therein offered, be the more eligi- 
ble of the two. They accordingly reported it to the Society, who voted 
to carry it into execution ; as soon as fifty subscribers should subject 
themselves to an annual payment of five pounds five shillings, during 
the continuance of their respective marriages. The younger ministers, 
I persuade myself, will generally become subscribers. And as soon 
as a few widows commence annuitants, the utility of the institution will 
be obvious. This will have a natural tendency to put the younger 
ministers, in future, on providing annuities for their wives in season. 

Some of the gentlemen of the corporation were of opinion that it 
would promote the general design of this institution to provide for the 
making single payments at admission, instead of the annual payments, 
mentioned in the plan ; for some persons may prefer a single payment 
to annual ones. The Society accordingly referred the consideration 
of this motion to the committee who reported the plan. The value of 
such single payments may, I think, be found with precision by mul- 
tiplying the value of an annuity on two joint lives, found in Table 
XLVI of Vol. II of your Treatise, by 5.25, the annual payment. 
Should I be mistaken, I shall esteem myself much obliged for your 

The principles by which the annuities in the plan we have adopted 
are regulated, I do not recollect to have found laid down in your 
Treatise on reversionary Payments. If they are not, the gentlemen 
of the Society will esteem themselves obliged to you for a mathematical 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 347 

resolution of them, whenever you may find leisure amidst your many 
engagements to attend to this subject. 

That a life so important as yours to Great Britain and America, may 
be prolonged, and that you may have the satisfaction of finding a due 
regard paid by the inhabitants of both countries to your salutary admo- 
nitions, is the desire and prayer of him, who is with the greatest esteem, 
Reverend Sir, 

Your obliged servant, 

Edward Wiggleswortii. 
Rev d Richard Price, D.D., &c. 


Cambridge, July 29, 1786. 

Rev d and dear Sir, — I am much obliged to you for your letter, 
in which you communicated to me your answers to the Rev d Professor 
Wigglesworth's queries respecting a plan for annuities for the widows 
of ministers in this Commonwealth. The Trustees of The Massachusetts 
Congregational Charitable Society, lately incorporated, have accepted the 
report of their Committee, viz. Professor Wigglesworth, Mr. Sullivan 
and myself, recommending the plan of annuities which you suggested in 
the postscript of your letter ; and which you say you have recom- 
mended to some societies in Great Britain. Some of the Trustees 
wished to provide for the making of a single payment, where desired, 
instead of the annual payments, and referred the matter to the con- 
sideration of this Committee. The Professor, who has looked into the 
doctrine of annuities more than the rest of us, has written to you 
directly upon the subject, whose letter I enclose, and which makes 
it unnecessary for me to enlarge upon the matter. 

I wish, Sir, I could give you a favourable account of the aspect 
of our public affairs in these States ; but unhappily, the Congress 
still continues unfurnished with the means of extinguishing our national 
debt; nor is it yet furnished with powers for regulating trade. How 
unfortunate that little jealousies and local considerations should prevent 
the general good and endanger the confederation ! What the end of 
these things may be Heaven alone knows ! May it be better than our 
fears ! I confess, I cannot help frequently trembling for the event. 

The citizens of the States feel the public taxes to be heavy, and find 
a scarcity of money to pay them. Some States in the union have 
already issued a paper currency, which seems to increase the evil 
instead of lessening it. The little State of Rhode Island has lately 
issued a large sum of paper money, a measure highly disgusting to 
many of its citizens. They are thrown into parties, and great confu- 


sion and disorder at present subsist among them. I hope the commo- 
tions there will be a warning to the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, 
and that they will learn wisdom by the sufferings of their neighbours. 
At the last session of our General Assembly, about a month ago, 
an attempt was made by some members to obtain a vote for a paper 
currency to be issued among us ; but the number was so very small 
that they made no head ; and I hope there will continue to be wisdom 
enough in the State to prevent so pernicious a measure. 

I had like to have forgotten to mention a mistake in the direction of 
your last letter to me. The letter designed for me went enclosed to 
Mr. Sullivan, while one designed for him came directed to me. As the 
letter was not directed to any person at the bottom, it was several days 
before I could find out to whom that of which I was possessed belonged, 
and recover my own. At length I made the discovery, and each of us 
got his own letter. However, no damage has attended the mistake, 
and it need give you no uneasiness. 

Mr. Sparhawk, a grandson of the late Sir William Pepperrell, who 
is a merchant at Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and a friend and 
classmate of mine, is so polite as to offer to wait upon you in person 
with this letter when he gets to London, for which he is to sail the 
next week. He tells me, he wishes to have the honor and pleasure of 
being introduced to you, for whose character he entertains the highest 
regard. If you should have any commands for America, Mr. Spar- 
hawk, I am persuaded, will be happy to execute them. 

I wrote you by Dr. Gordon in the spring, who I hear has arrived in 

I hope this letter will find you in the enjoyment of health ; and that 
you may long be continued a blessing to the world is the ardent wish 
and prayer of, Sir, 

Your sincere friend and obliged humble serv\ 

Joseph Willard. 

Rev d D Richard Price. 


Philad a , July 29, 1786. 
Dear Friend, — I could not let this opportunity, by M r Nicklin, 
pass without selecting you. I hope you continue well, as I do, my old 
malady excepted, and that so useful a life as yours will be long pro- 
tracted. I repeat my thanks to you for the pamphlet you so kindly 
sent me. I should ere now have try'd the remedy indicated in it, but 
my glass instrument for impregnating liquors with fix'd air, being lent 
into the country, I have been kept in continual expectation of its being 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 349 

return'd, and am hitherto disappointed ; at which I have been the lees 
uneasy, as the pain has been tolerable generally, and I do not find that 
the malady grows worse. 

Our Philosophical Society think themselves honoured by your ac- 
ceptance of their diploma. You will receive by M rH Vaughan a second 
volume of their Transactions. 

I see there are mischievous spirits at work, labouring to disturb the 
peace between our countries, but I trust they will not succeed. We 
are improving daily in public prudence and the true knowledge of our 
essential interests; and notwithstanding some political errors hard to 
eradicate I flatter myself that on the whole and in time we shall do 
very well. Indeed I think I see evident marks of the favourable hand 
of Providence iu our affairs ; for even our own blunders, and the malice 
of our enemies, are made to operate our advantage. My best wishes 
attend you and good M rs Price, being ever, my dear Friend, 
Yours most affectionately, 

B. Franklin. 

Rev d D r Price. 


Philadelphia, August 2nd, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — With great reluctance I set down to write a few lines 
to you by good Mrs. Vaughan and her family. They will leave many 
friends behind them, and carry with them the good wishes of all who 
have ever known them. I consider our city and society impoverished 
by their leaving us, but taking every consideration into question, I 
cannot help approving of their preferring the highly cultivated society 
of old friends in England to the less cultivated society of new ones in 
America. Mr. Vaughan's active and public spirit has laid our city 
under great obligations to him. We look forward with pain to the 
time of his leaving us. He has been the principal cause of the resur- 
rection of our Philosophical Society. He has even done more, he has 
laid the foundation of a philosophical hall which will preserve his name 
and the name of his family among us for many, many years to come. 

I refer you to the enclosed papers for political information, and beg 
leave, for the present, only to subscribe myself with great respect, dear 

Your sincere friend and humble servant, 

Benj n Rush. 

P. S. The essays subscribed Nestor in the enclosed papers have 
been ascribed to your friend. 

B. R. 



Bowood Park, 21 st Sept r , 1786. 
Mr dearest Friend, — I did not answer the kind letter which I 
receiv'd from you at Weymouth, expecting to do it in person, as 
I generally go to town from Wycombe, but as I found it impossible 
to do so this year, I was thinking of writing to you to-morrow, just 
when I receiv'd the melancholy account you have taken the trouble of 
sending me of the irreparable loss you have sustain'd. 2 I am very sensi- 
ble of the confidence you must have in my affection by the early com- 
munication of this heart-breaking event, and, tho' the post only allows 
me a moment, I cannot delay a day to assure you that you have not 
a relation who feels more sensibly the loss you have sustain'd. I have 
no need when I write to you, particularly on this occasion, to wait for 
reflection, I am not afraid to let my heart dictate. Let me beseech you 
to command me in any shape. I will go instantly to London if I can 
contribute to your comfort, or will be happy to see you here, where no 
one shall come, but such as are agreeable to you. Lady Lansdown 
upon receipt of your letter mention'd this before I did, or as soon 
as Miss Fox gets here to keep Lady Lansdown company I will attend 
you anywhere. In the mean time let me beseech you, my dear Friend, 
to struggle against your misfortune, and let your mind dwell as little as 
possible on an event which is now pass'd. One of the wisest practical 
men who ever liv'd, Philippe de Commines, says in his memoirs, that 
the only remedye he observ'd thro' life in cases of great and heavy 
calamity, was first to vent the grief to some true friend, and then 
to have recourse to time and as hard and constant exercise as the 
body can endure. I am unhappily myself a physician and as }ou 
know have had too much experience of domestick calamity, but as 
I have often told you, tho' they have hurt my health fundamentally yet 
the calamitys I have suffer'd have made me a better and for that 
reason a happier man. I have not time to read over what I have 
wrote, as I am afraid of losing the post ; I trust you will not doubt its 
sincerity, and accept both my wishes and my prayers that you may 
hereafter meet the friend you have lost a saint in Heaven. I will 
write to you soon again, and believe me, in the mean time, 
Y r most affect e friend, 


1 William, 2d Earl of Shelburne, Dr. Price's friend, was advanced to the dig- 
nity of Marquis of Lansdowne Nov. 30, 1784. — Eds. 

2 The death of Mrs. Price, to whom the Doctor had been married for nearly 
thirty years. — Eds . 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 351 


Bowood Park, 29 th Sept r , 1786. 
My dear Friend, — I was going to write to Mr. Vaughan or some 
other friend to enquire about you, but upon recollection I chuse to 
address yourself, as I think it the duty of every friend you have to 
incite you to exert yourself, to prevent the calamity which you have 
lately undergone taking too much hold of your mind. Recollect the 
advantages of your situation for example over mine, the longer scene 
of uninterrupted domestick felicity which you have enjoy'd, the great 
happiness of a middle station which you have often told me, and which 
I am perfectly sure, is the happiest, when properly understood, as it 
has been without the least compliment by you, who have never debas'd 
it by a meanness nor committed it by a petulance, but always supported 
the dignity of it ; but above all the lively sense of religion, which you 
must have had early impress'd upon your mind, and which I am free to 
own by all I have observ'd is worth the knowledge and riches of the 
whole world ; for how can a man who firmly believes in another life 
and in the divine mission of Jesus Christ lose his time in regretting any 
event in a short and contemptible life like the present ? It gave me 
great satisfaction to find in your letter before the last, that you were 
occupied about some moral treatise, for anxious as I am for the perma- 
nent dignity of your character I wish morality to form the predominant 
feature of it; and tho' as long as a sinking fund exists, (and when 
it ceases, the couutry must do so too) your name must be connected 
with it, yet I am not afraid that if you apply your mind to the great 
line of morality, you will leave some still better legacy to mankind, by 
which you will be still better characterised; but allow me to speak my 
mind freely, that it should turn upon such general principles as may 
embrace the Turk or the Gentoo equally with the Christian, and not to 
■suffer yourself to be diverted by controversies, which are better left 
in the hands of conceited men who live by them, and who have neither 
your comprehension of head or heart, and which do not contribute to 
make mankind essentially better in the several relations of life. You 
see that you make me almost commence preacher, but you need not be 
afraid that if you will venture here, that I will tire you with that or 
any other subject. You will find Lady Lansdown and me nearly alone 
for two months to come. I am in the habit of riding from ten to 
thirty or sometimes forty mile a day. We dine at 5 o'clock as plain 
as you do in your own house, Lady Lansdown plays for an hour on 
the harpsichord, not very well but without any pretensions, and we go 
to bed at eleven. We '11 consider and treat you as a father. Every 
person about the house reveres and respects you, and you '11 make us 
very happy, which is the next thing to being happy yourself. In the 



mean time I hope to know that you have fix'd upon some of your 
relations to live with you, for you must not live alone, and that you 
exert yourself. 

Believe me, my dear Friend, most affect ly y rs . 



Boston, 16th October, 1786. 

Rev d Sir, — I am really much indebted by your obliging letter with 
which I was favoured some time ago. You were very kind in giving 
me liberty to communicate to you any thing respecting infringements 
upon the sacred rights of conscience which might happen in our Com- 
monwealth. There is no one, Sir, on the g^be to whom I should 
apply myself in difficulties of this sort sooner than to you. But I am 
very happy to inform you that the Judges of our Supreme Judicial 
Court, have given at last such a construction to our declaration of 
rights as sets this point upon a liberal and safe footing. I shall not 
do you justice without observing that I believe your letter did much 
towards it. 

I have the honor to send you the Memoirs of the American Academy. 
You have no doubt received one of the books before but I wish to 
testify the great respect I have for you. This may enable you to give 
one to a friend. It will be delivered perhaps some time after you 
receive this letter by my particular friend Mr. Martin of Portsmouth 
in New Hampshire. 

The inclosed paper may serve as a hint of the disagreeable situation 
we are in here. Insurrections increase upon us, and our troubles 
arising from a want of firmness in government threaten our very exist- 
ence as a government. But I hope in Heaven that all may soon 

I am, dear Sir, with the most sincere veneration, 

Your most obliged and most humble servant, 

James Sullivan. 

Doctor Price. 


Dear Sir, — This letter will be handed to you by the Rev d D r 
White of this city who goes to London in order to be consecrated 

1 Born in Berwick, Maine, April 22, 1744; died in Boston Dec. 10, 1808. He 
was the first President of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and afterward 
Governor of the State. — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 353 

Bishop of Pennsylvania. ITo is a gentleman of a most worthy and 
respectable character. With prospects of an affluent fortune, and with 
the most liberal connections, he early devoted himself to the service of 
the sanctuary. He has officiated as one of the ministers of the 
Episcopal churches in our city for upwards of fourteen years with the 
utmost reputation. In every stage of the late war he was a consistent 
Whig. In the most doubtful stage of the war he acted as chaplain 
to the Congress. He is almost the only man I ever knew of real 
abilities, and unaffected purity and simplicity of manners, that had not 
a single enemy. He carries with him the good wishes and prayers 
of thousands of his fellow citizens. 

Accept of my thanks for your very agreeable favor of July 30 th . 

I lament that your declining health will not permit you to undertake 
a second address to the citizens of America upon the subject of a new 
federal government. You will perceive by the papers that the Con- 
vention which was to have laid the foundation for that salutary measure 
in Septem r last adjourned, from the want of sufficient powers for that 
purpose, till next May, then to meet in the city of Philadelphia. 

Some of our enlightened men who begin to despair of a more com- 
plete union of the States in Congress, have secretly proposed an 
Eastern, Middle, and Southern Confederacy, to be united by an alliance 
offensive and defensive. These confederacies they say will be united 
by nature, by interest, and by manners, and consequently they will be 
safe, agreeable and durable. The first will include the four New Eng- 
land States and New York. The second will include New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland ; and the last Virginia, North 
and South Carolina, and Georgia. The foreign and domestic debt of 
the United States, they say shall be divided justly between each of the 
new confederations. This plan of a new continental government is at 
present a mere speculation. Perhaps necessity, or rather divine provi- 
dence, may drive us to it. Whatever form of political existence may 
be before us, I am fully satisfied that our independance rests upon a 
firm basis, and that Great Britain will never recover from any of our 
changes in opinion or government her former dominion or influence in 
this country. 

The commotions in New England have happily subsided without the 
loss of a life or the effusion of one drop of kindred blood. If your 
countrymen should shew a disposition to rejoice in hearing of these 
commotions, it will only be necessary to remind them of the present 
distractions in Ireland, or of the late mob conducted by Lord George 
Gordon in the city of London, to convince them that stability, con- 
tentment and perfect order are no more the offsprings of monarchical 
than of republican forms of government. The kingdoms of Europe 
have travelled into their present state of boasted tranquillity thro' seas 



of blood. The republics of America are travelling into order and wise 
government, only thro' a sea of blunders. 

Our venerable friend D r Franklin has found considerable benefit from 
the use of the remedy you recommended to him, joined with the black- 
berry jam. He informed me a few days ago that he had not enjoyed 
better health for the last 30 years of his life than he does at present. 
His faculties are still in their full vigor. He amuses himself daily iu 
superintending two or three houses which he is building in the neigh- 
bourhood of his dwelling house. One of them is for a printing office 
for his grandson, a promising youth who was educated by him in France. 

An important revolution took place on the 10th day of this instant 
in favor of the wisdom, virtue, and property of Pennsylvania. Mr. 
Rob' Morris, the late financier of the United States, is at the head of 
the party that will rule our State for the insuing year. This gentle- 
man's abilities, eloquence, and integrity place him upon a footing with 
the first legislators and patriots of ancient and modern times. It is 
expected the charter of the Bank of North America will be restored, 
and that the College of Philadelphia (seized by fraud and force by D r 
Ewing and his friends) will be given back to its original and just 

If you should conclude to publish any part of my letters, I have only 
to request that you would not connect the extracts from them with my 

With the greatest respect, and the most fervent wishes that your 
useful life may be prolonged for many, many years to come, I am, 
d r Sir, 

Your sincere friend and most humble servant. 

Benj n Rush. 

Philadelphia, October 27 th , 1786. 

Rev d D r Price. 


Philadelphia, 4 th November, 1786. 
My dear Sir, — I am favord with your acceptable letter of 1 
Aug 1 , and feel with strong sensibility the affliction you must be under 
for the helpless and deplorable state of M rs Price ; happy it is that 
your philosophy and Christian fortitude is so well calculated to support 
you under so distressing dispensations of providence in this transitary 
state, resting on well grounded hopes of a future just and merciful 

i The writer of this letter (born June 22, 1762, died Dec. 4, 1802) was one of 
the numerous children of Samuel and Sarah (Hallo well) Vaughan, and brother 
of Benjamin and John Vaughan. (See N. E. Hist, and Gen. Regist, vol. xix. 
p. 355 ) He was a member of the American Philosophical Society. — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 355 

retribution when you will assuredly have your full reward. I most 
sincerely hope your trip to Brighton may establish your health, spirits 
and usefulness for a long, long period. 

Before my departure from England, you wished to retire from part 
of your pastoral care and labours ; your now undertaking to give lec- 
tures in the rising Accademy * is an illustrious proof of your unabated, 
persevering zeal for extending your usefulness, nor do I think you 
could have found a better line to render esential service to the rising 
generation than by employing your credit and labours in promoting 
that young and so much wanted seminary of learning, for the extention 
of useful knowledge on rational principles, at a period when the Dis- 
senting Interest is rapidly declining and many accademies that were 
designed for like purpose fain to decay. 

I am rejoiced to hear that after so long solicitation of your friends 
you are at length persuaded to publish a volume of Sermons, in perusal 
of which I promise my self much pleasure and profit. I also rejoice 
to hear the amiable Miss Priestley is so well married, but under great 
concern to hear the return of the Doctor's complaint. God grant his 
valuable and useful life may be prolonged to pursue his rapid, valuable, 
original discoveries and researches into the works of nature ; he is in- 
deed a most wonderful and good man, without a parallel. Many here 
wish he would drop his theological pursuits and stick to philosophical. 

I spend many agreeable evenings with our good friend Doctor 
Franklin, who except for the stone, which prevents his using exercise, 
except in walking in the house up and down stairs, and sometime to 
the State-house (which is one eigth of a mile distant) still retains, his 
health, spirits and memory beyond all conception, insomuch that there 
are few transactions, subjects or publications, ancient or modern, that 
are of any note but what he retains and when necessary in conversa- 
tion will repeat and retain with wonderful facility. He bathes twice 
a week statedly (for hours) in a hot bath and, instead of relaxation, 
he enjoys and finds benefit from it. He desires his kind remembrance 
to you and the members of the Club. He has been again chosen 
President unanimously. 

I hope Mr. Courtland will succeed in Albany, tho the soil (except at 
a distance from the Mohawk River and near Fort Stanwick) is gener- 
ally poor and but little society even in the city except young lawyers 
training for the bar. 

My opinion and expectations respecting America are not altered ; 
true it is, that many improvements are wanted, and the Constitution 
of this State and some others very deficient ; it however requires much 
time to reform States, but the evils will in due time remedy themselves, 
when commerce, &c a , comes to a level. Taxes at present lies heavy on 

1 The college at Hackney. By his will Dr. Price gave £50 to it. — Eds. 


the people, tho' their debt is a drop of the bucket when compared with 
their resources of land and produce as the continent becomes better 
setled. The improvements making in many of the seminaries of learn- 
ing and provisions made by grants of land for many others about to be 
established in the back States will defuse general knowledge ; suffering 
and experience will open the eyes of the people, and it may be expected 
in due time that habits of sobriety, industry and frugality will promote 
good morals ; and I have the pleasure to inform you, that the incon- 
sistant acts passed and often repealed by the Assembly of this State 
since their independence have already roused the people's attention, 
insomuch that the faction called the Constitutionalists, who since the 
Revolution have ruled with despotic sway, met with an unexpected 
defeat the last election for members of Assembly, by the Whigs, who go 
under the name of Republicans, whose interest will yearly encreas by 
the young Quakers arriving at age, who are not subject to the iniquitus 
test law, and who are perhaps the most moderate and valuable set of 
people in this State. It is now thought there is a majority of Whigs 
in the Assembly, and it is expected that a charter for better regu- 
lating the police of this City will be obtained, the charter of the Bank 
restored and hopes of the repeal of the Test Law, with other reforms, 
but it yet may be feared from the number of country members, who are 
yet uninformed, jealous of and opposing the cities and people in trade, 
from an erronious opinion of their having seperate interests, and for 
want of knowledge and experience have been hitherto led by a few de- 
signing men, that business will not be conducted as well as could be 
wished ; however from the provission made for defusing of knowledge 
in the several counties and the power being where it should be, that 
is in the hands of the people, it may be hoped and expected the evils 
when felt will remidy themselves. And indeed this may be expected 
from a recent instance in the reforms made here in the Prayers, Psalms 
and Service of the Church of England (as soon as in their power) and 
that in fewer months than has been done by enlightened nations in cen- 
turies, and it may be hoped that it will have further reform yet, and 
that the example will stimulate and open the eyes of that perswasion 
in England to act likewise. You will see Docter White, who is gone 
in the packet for consecretiou, and who has bore a uniform excellent 
character and more liberal than most of his brethren. 

I hope ere this that M rs Vaughan and family are safe arrived 
and that you will often favor them with your company, which will 
add much to their pleasure and happiness as well as greatly oblige, 
dear Sir 3 

Your ever affectionate friend, 

Sam l Vaughan. 

Rev d Doctor Price. 




Bowood Park, 22* 1 Nov"*, 1786. 

My dear Friend, — It's very long since I have heard from you. 
I want to know how you go on, and hope to hear that the late changes 
of weather have not affected you too much. 

I have takeu the liberty of giving M r Playfair a letter to you. He 
is the author of some commercial tables which you may have seen, 
as well as of one to shew the operation of a Sinking Fund. He is 
going to publish one to shew the different operation of annuities and 
perpetuities, with a treatise which he desires to dedicate to me, but 
wishes to communicate his opinions first to you. When you have seen 
him, I shall be glad to have your opinion of him and his book. lie is 
a Scotsman. 

I have been much entertain'd with a Life of M r Turgot by M r Con- 
dorcet. They are both great pedants, but the first was certainly a 
great rmn. I don't imagine he would have made a minister in any 
country, but he was a greater character. His virtues and good qualities 
overbalance very far his failings. I am captivated with one of his 
ideas, that of establishing certain fix'd fundamental principles of law, 
commerce, morality and politicks comprehensive enough to embrace 
all religions and all countrys. It is to the inculcating these principles 
I want you, my dear friend, to dedicate your whole time, to cry down 
war throughout the world, which nothing can ever justify e, and to 
prove the advantages of peace, and the right which all countries have 
to require it of their respective sovereigns. If sovereigns are of- 
fended with each other, let them fight singlehanded, without involving 
their people in their silly quarrels. You have talents and character 
peculiarly adapted to give weight to these principles. Every one is 
sufficiently agreed about the existence of God and about his attributes, 
except some conceited men of letters, who are delighted to reason in the 
dark, and think themselves superior to the rest of the world, because they 
think they know what the rest of the world don't think worth know- 
ing. I want you to keep better company. I cannot help thinking that 
the want of taste, observable in the present age for several matters of 
controversy, is not entirely owing to love of dissipation but that good 
sense has its share of the motive. But I am afraid of saying more 
upon a subject upon which you may very reasonably think I have no 
right to say any thing. 

I observe the political world is entirely occupied about the French 
treaty. I need not tell you that as far as it goes it is perfectly agree- 
able to my principles. I am at a loss to account for the motives of 
either side in adopting the principles of the armd neutrality. If it 
arises from no little secret motive, but is done with a view to soften the 


great evil of war, I must highly approve of that also, and can only 
wish that they had gone still further, and follow'd the example set by 
the late King of Prussia's treaty with America. But writing to you 
confidentially I own I am at a loss what to conjecture about its fate 
when Parliament meets. Our publick is so ignorant and so change- 
able, that its present popularity goes with me for nothing, and when I 
see on the one hand however agreeable the whole treaty may be to me, 
several of the clauses contradicting directly the spirit of several laws 
pass'd only last sessions, other clauses founded on principles directly 
opposite to those which were maintain'd with the utmost violence in 
the Irish treaty by the very man who signs this, and the tendency of 
the whole very opposite to the passions and dispositions of some who 
have the most to say at present, I cannot conceive what is to come 
of it, or if it does pass in its present form, what can have produced 
such an incredible change. I know that a great deal is to be said 
for its passing besides its merits, and when I write to you upon 
this as well as many other subjects, I only think aloud, and wish 
for many reasons my private reflections to remain with you only. I 
shall be vastly troubl'd if it fails, for prejudice will get a new lease, 
and we shall be drove so far back in error. 

I don't find any of my correspondents able to account for the late 
fall of the funds. 

Lady Lansdown desires her kind compliments and wishes much that 
you would spend at least a part of your holydays here. You would 
find only your friends, and no ladys except Miss Vernons, the eldest of 
whom is an extraordinary good young woman. They and Miss Fox 
are leaving the Dutchess of Bedford, and are to live with M rs Vernon. 
The old Dutchess as long as she can't keep her great houses does not 
care about keeping any thing else, and least of all her temper, which 
does not endure any thing which looks like retiring from power and 

I am, dear D r Price, most affect ly y rs . 



Bowood Park, 29 th Nov r , 1786. 
My dear Friend, — I am very glad to hear of the intended pub- 
lication you mention. I have long wish'd to see something of the sort, 
and actually propos'd to the very gentleman whom I mention'd in my 
last to undertake a paper under the title of the Neutralist. The arm'd 
neutrality may be a more popular title and better. I therefore beg 
that you '11 tell D r Thompson with my compliments that if his object be 

1003.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 359 

to inculcate your principles regarding liberty in general, and his coun- 
tryman M r Adam Smith's regarding liberty of commerce, I shall think 
it a duty to do every thing I possibly can to encourage his undertaking, 
in short that he may freely command me in any shape. But its suc- 
cess will depend upon the impartiality and ability with which it is con- 
ducted. I have often thought that D r Macleane at the Hague was a 
person very capable of assisting the foreign part of such a work, but 
I don't know how far he might be dispos'd to emb.irk at his time of 
life in any thing of the sort. 

So far you may tell D r Thompson. It may perhaps be as well not 
to tell him that I can scarce conceive a Scotchman capable of liberality, 
but utterly incapable of impartiality. That nation is compos'd of such 
a sad set of innate, cold-hearted, impudent rogues, that I sometimes 
think it a comfort when you and I shall be to walk together in the 
next world, which I hope we shall as well as in this, we cannot possibly 
then have any of them sticking to our skirts. In the mean time it's a 
melancholy thing that there is no finding any other people that will 
take pains, or be amenable even to the best purposes. 

I have an account of the revenue of the year up to the last quarter. 
I have given it to William to copy, and it shall be forwarded to you 
either to-morrow or Fryday, but I am very much incliu'd to attribute 
the late fluctuations to stock-jobbing, only assisted by the state of 
things in Holland. 

I am very glad to hear that your new academy is like to prosper. 
I only hope that more regard will be paid to modern languages, Ger- 
man as well as French, and less to ancient, than has been usual in such 
institutions, that there will not be such long vacations as is generally 
practis'd, and from time to time some very publick examinations. 

I have been so much struck with M r Turgot's Life, that I have sent 
it to a friend of ours to get it translated aud publish'd. I take Mr. 
Necker's book to be a singular instance of the power of mixing a great 
attention to popularity, court favour, and almost all the reigning preju- 
dices, not only with great brilliancy of sentiment, but with a very 
honourable regard to good oeconomy, order and several very liberal 
principles. However, it must be allow'd that M r Turgot's principles 
are made of sterner stuff. One seems to have been calculated to do 
good to the present age, the other to posterity. It 's a pity that their 
respective partizans in France do not rather chuse to dwell on those 
points where two such respectable authoritys agree, especially as there 
are very important ones which comes under this predicament, rather 
than on those where they oppos'd each other, but I hope posterity will 
be wiser than the King of France and will in the long run avail itself 
of the joint labours of both these men. There is certainly more liber- 
ality among official people in France than in England, while on the 



other hand our middle class of people are far better inform'd and more 
liberal than theirs. I consider the conduct of the present Opposition as 
a great misfortune, as they make it a principle to oppose every thing 
right or wrong, and by that means stiffle the real publick voice and 
mislead strangely. 

I will read your Sermons I am sure with great pleasure, as I do 
every thing which comes from you. I want you to live hereafter with the 
Turgots and the Neckers, and to leave the Doct re and the Archdeacons 
to dye by the hands of one another. I am sorry to find you complain of 
any low intervals, and that it should ever occurr to your mind to think of 
retiring from your friends at a time that you should retire to them. I 
am a few years younger than you, I believe, and certainly have not the 
same philosophy as you, yet I am glad to find myself so far on my road, 
and so far well over, especially since my eldest son is of age and has 
given a tolerable earnest of good dispositions. I have no uneasy in- 
tervals except when I think of my second son, which I am convinc'd 
is owing in great part to my having indulg'd my grief for him to an 
excessive degree. I would give a great deal that I had not done it, as 
it can do him no good. God knows my heart, it is not for want of 
tenderness for him, as my tears sufficiently witness while I am now 
writing, but painfull as it is to me to recurr to the subject, I cannot 
help doing it to warn you, my dear Friend, against incurring a disease 
in which you may find at first a melancholy comfort, but in the end 
you'll find lowering and incapacitating to a great degree. You'll be 
tir'd of my hand writing, but I hope not at the truth and regard with 

I am affect ly y rs . Lansdown. 


New York, Decem r 1, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — You were so obliging as to indulge me with the prom- 
ise of your correspondence, on my return to this country. I have been 
prevented (from various avocations) from availing myself of many 
opportunities that have offered to inform you of my arrival. 

I must confess that I did not find the United States in as flourishing 
a situation as I had reason to expect. Many circumstances have com- 
bined to check their prosperity. Their immense consumption of foreign 
manufactures has greatly injured them, by involving them in a heavy 

1 William Bingham, a member of the United States Senate from 1795 to 1801, 
was born in Philadelphia in 1751, and died in Bath, England, Feb. 7, 1804. His 
eldest daughter married Alexander Baring, first Baron Ashburton. — Eds. 


debt to Europe, which they will not be able to extinguish in many 
Tears. In the mean while, the specie of the country, which after the 
war constituted its only circulating medium, has been almost wholly 
exported, and many of the States have had recourse to the dangerous 
expedient of paper money, which by not being in general well funded 
has in many instances greatly depreciated. 

The Confederation is likewise an evil of an alarming nature. It does 
not possess sufficient powers to constitute a firm, vigorous, and energetic 
government, such as so extensive a country demands. The individual 
States, from the sufferings they are exposed to from the weakness and 
ineflieiency of the Confederacy, seem disposed to vest Congress with 
such authorities as are necessary to pursue and preserve the general 
interests of the Union. This will make their administration respect- 
able abroad and vigorous at home. 

There is often a turn in human affairs which baffles the foresight of 
the wisest men. After the immense expences that G. Britain incurred 
in the prosecution of the war, her most sanguine friends had no idea of 
her affairs being so soon retrieved, and her situation so prosperous as 
it now appears to be. She is indebted for these advantages to the wis- 
dom of her councils and the energy of her government. 

I hope the turn will soon take place in our affairs. Our resources 
are great, the industry and intelligence of our people are not to be sur- 
passed, and I do not believe there exists a greater fund of public and 
private virtue than in this country. Nothing is wanting but a good 
government to direct these advantages to public good and private 

We have daily accessions of inhabitants from emigrations from dif- 
ferent parts of Europe, particularly Germany. It is a pleasing circum- 
stance to a benevolent mind to contemplate the advantageous situation 
this class of people is placed in on their arrival here. From being in 
a state of vassalage in their own country, mere hewers of wood and 
drawers of water, they find themselves entitled to all the rights of citi- 
zenship in a free country, and with a small pittance enabled to purchase 
a freehold estate for themselves and family. 

It is really fortunate for human nature, that there is a country 
where the oppressed of all nations may find a secure asylum. 

I know no State in the Union that would be so envied as Pennsyl- 
vania, if it was not so defective in its constitution and form of govern- 
ment. By possessing but a single branch of legislature, subject to an 
annual change, its laws are very often crude and indigested, and its 
conduct governed by no system. A few factious and designing men, 
possessed of popular talents, may at any time throw the councils of the 
country into confusion, and, if their views are selfish, bend the public 
business to meet their private convenience. 



However, as our constitution has wisely fixed a septennial period, 
when its defects may be remedied by a council of Censors and a 
Convention, I hope the citizens of the State will take advantage of this 
circumstance, and adopt a more perfect form of government. 

Having the honor of being appointed to represent the State of Penn- 
sylvania in Congress, I shall reside here for the greatest part of the 
ensuing year. 

Please to make my compliments to M r8 Price, and believe me to be 
with great regard, dear Sir, 

Your obed 4 , hble serv*. W M Bingham. 

P. S. Please to inform me if there are any new political publica- 
tions of any note. 


B[owood] P[ahk], 19^ Dec r , 1786. 

My dear Friend, — I have read your volume of Sermons with 
that interest which I must ever take in whatever comes from you. 

The first reflects back my own opinions so forcibly upon me, that I 
am of course struck with it, and think it should not only be read but 
taught in every school of every sect in England. Children should 
learn to spell out of it. 

I never read thirty pages of any book whatever more happily ex- 
press'd, or with which I was more captivated than I am with your 
seventh sermon. 

At the same time that I take the liberty of particularizing these two, 
I must say that I read all the rest with the greatest pleasure. 

I admire the repeated cautions you give against uncharitableness in 
matters of opinion, as well as your declining in such express terms 
against all desire of proselytism, your object being to assist enquiry, it 
not being requir'd of us to find out Truth so much as to endeavour to 
find it out and practice it, which last alone can give satisfaction to a 
Christian mind, and your absolution of those innocent people who fall 
into involuntary error, but above all, the very fair manner in which you 
confess at the end of your fifth sermon the doubts which have occurr'd 
sometimes to your own mind upon some important principles, which 
gives so much weight to those, still more important, upon which you pro- 
fess never to have entertain'd any in any circumstance of life. These 
are truly Christian sentiments, and accompanied with such proofs of 
sincerity and unaffected candor, as I imagine must make an impression 
on whoever hears or reads them. 

I am highly pleas'd too with the spirit with which you acknowledge 


the obligations which the Dissenters owe to the puhlich for not execut- 
ing the penal laws, and the warning you give the hierarchy, who appear 
so stupidly insensible to the danger as well as duty of their situation. 

The concise and plain manner in which you expose the absurditys 
of the two extremes is full of information to such people as me, who 
want either time or patience to read the volumes which I see daily pub- 
lishing on these subjects, and seems well calculated to prevent people 
from wasting their time in reading such useless books, tho' I suppose it 
may not be so easy a matter to check the ardour of those who write 
them. The idea of a spontaneous instrumentality is perfectly new to 
me, and, if I was not afraid of going out of my depth, I should suppose 
it capable of accounting for a great deal indeed. 

If I was desir'd to find an objection to any part of the whole, and 
could venture to risque speaking impertinently upon a subject to which 
I am so little competent, which nothing but your friendship could en- 
courage me to do, I should be led to doubt whether you do not bestow 
too much pains in inculcating the middle line, and whether you do not 
descend almost to controversy, if it was not for the very wise advertise- 
ment you have plac'd after your title page. I am almost sorry upon 
this account for a severe expression or two which you have let drop in 
your second sermon. There is nothing of which I am more convine'd 
than that the effect of all church controversy as the world stands must 
be the making Christians deists and deists atheists. To what else can 
the conceit which you say poor D r Priestly has pick'd up in his flight. 
If it was to get the length of forming a sect, I know of no other name 
to give his followers except that of atheistical Christians, men who 
would not believe in a God if it was not for Jesus Christ. You know 
better than I do that the deists have their advantages. All negative ad- 
vantages are on their side, which is a great deal in any dispute. They 
have nothing to prove except the simplest of all things, which commands 
conviction upon the first mention of it, supported as it is by our very 
instinct. For tho' I have met with many who have call'd themselves 
atheists, particularly in France, I never met with any who upon reason- 
ing with him turn'd out any thing but a mere sceptic. How natural is 
it when two vulgar people are fighting, for a gentleman passing by to 
see that they are both in the wrong, and to get as soon as he can out of 
the bustle, especially if there is a great deal of good company inviting 
him with every expression which wit, humour, refin'd learning, benev- 
olent professions, easy arguments furnish. It is impossible that men 
will not go from brambles and thistles and walk in a plain open couutry 
so richly ornamented. Modern controversy appears to me always like 
a mob taking possession of the seat of justice, by which means large de- 
scriptions of men are depriv'd of that consolation which can alone come 
from Christianity, of which you give so true a picture in your fifth ser- 


mon. For no man of the least experience or observation but must ac- 
knowledge that it is not only a consolation but a sure support such as 
there is none like it in the hour of distress. But if prejudice once take 
a wrong turn belief, as I believe many men experience, can never be 
recover'd. Peace on Earth, Good Will towards Men should be written 
over every divinity school of every sect in the world, but in the largest 
letters over every parish church, meeting house, &c. No controversy 
should be allow'd to enter there. I do not mean that it should be pre- 
vented by law, but other means should be found. No controversial 
writer or preacher should be allow'd to rise in the church. Let them 
stay in their closets and colleges, and live upon their own conceits, or 
share those allowances only which are appropriated to promote learn- 
ing. They do no good to mankind, and have no right to reward. For 
where they make one proselyte to their respective opinions I am sure 
they let loose twenty. Let, what would be still more comprehensive, 
eminent men on all occasions discountenance them and their works. 
Publick opinion, happily for all of us, is sure sooner or later to govern 
government, and there are men who can go a great way in leading pub- 
lic opinion. Let all discourses of a controversial nature be printed 
seperate, except where they are merely calculated to cry down the very 
principle of it, and expose its folly, absurdity, and pernicious effects. 
All governments have been perfectly wise and right in endeavouring to 
preserve peace in the church, but as is mostly the case with power, they 
have been right as to the object but wrong as to the means. Let the 
law be only made use of to prevent one sect from denouncing vengeance 
against another ; exactly upon the same principle upon which men are 
imprison'd for a breach of the peace. But I believe by this time you 
think my sermon quite long enough. I know your friendship will put 
the best interpretation upon it, and you may laugh at it, provided you 
believe me, what I really am, 

Very affec ly y rs . Lansdown. 


Grosvenor Square, Feb. 4, 1787. 

Dear Sir, — I s am happy to learn, by your obliging letter of the 

second of this month, that you have found some amusement, in the 

volume I left with you, and that I may entertain a hope of its doing 

any good. 1 It is but an humble tho' laborious office, to collect together 

1 The first volume of Mr. Adams's " Defence of the Constitutions of Govern- 
ment of the United States of America, against the Attack of M. Turgot." This 
volume was published in London in 1787, as a complete work, and was immedi- 
ately reprinted in America in three editions, at Boston, New York, and Phila- 
delphia. The second and third volumes were published in the following 
year. — Eds- 


so many opinions and examples; but it may point out to my young 
countrymen the genuine sources of information, upon a subject more 
interesting to them if possible than to the rest of the world. A work 
might be formed upon that plan which would be worthy of the pen and 
the talents of a Hume, a Gibbon, a Price or a Priestley, and I cannot 
but think that the two former would have employed their whole lives 
in forming into one system and view all the governments that exist, or 
are recorded, more beneficially to mankind than in attacking all the 
principles of human knowledge, or in painting the ruins of the Roman 
Empire, instead of leaving such an enterprise to the temerity of an 
American demagogue worn out with the cares and vexations of a tur- 
bulent life. 

There is no proposition, of which I am more fully satisfied, than in 
the necessity of placing the whole executive authority in one. This I 
know will make me unpopular with a number of persons in every 
American State, but this is no new thing. Before even the government 
of Virginia was erected, and before the Convention that formed it met, 
which was several months before the Convention which made the con- 
stitution of Pennsylvania, in the beginning of 177G, I wrote at the desire 
of several gentlemen in Congress, a short sketch of a government 
which they caused to be printed under the title of Thoughts on Gov- 
ernment in a Letter from a Gentleman to his Friend, in which three 
independent branches were insisted on. This pamphlet was scattered 
through the States and was known to be mine. Afterwards in 1779 in 
the Convention of Massachusetts, I supported to the utmost of my 
power the same system in public debates in Convention, as well as in 
the grand Committee and Sub Committee, and drew up the plan of their 
constitution, with a negative to the Governor. So that my opinion, 
such as it is, has always been generally known, and I am not apprehen- 
sive of any uncandid reflections in consequence of the late publication. 
On the contrary it is well known that M r Turgot's crude idea is really 
a personal attack upon me, whether he knew it or not, and therefore 
very proper that the defence should come from me. 

Your favourable sentiments of it oblige me very much. I have great 
reason to lament the hurry in which it was done, having neither put pen 
to paper nor begun to collect the materials till after my return from 
Holland in September. Such a work too ought to have been grounded 
wholly upon original authorities ; whereas I have made use of any pop- 
ular publication that happeu'd to fall in my way. If apologies were 
not always suspected, I should have made one. 

M" Adams and the children desire me to make you their affection- 
ate respects. With the highest esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most 
obedient servant, 

John Adams. 

The Rev d D' Pkice. 



Philad a , April 6, 1787. 

Dear Sir, — I am encouraged by the favourable reception you have 
given my humble attempts to advance the interests of humanity, to 
send you a copy of an essay which has for its object the happiness 
of a part of our fellow-creatures who 'till lately have been excluded 
from human benevolence. 1 I have sent a copy of it to M r Dilly with 
a preface, to suit it to the taste of the citizens of your country, to be 
re-published by him if he thinks proper. It will stand in need of the 
protection of all my friends, for not only the novelty of the opinions 
contained in it, but the rebel country of its author, will I fear expose it 
to obloquy and opposition. I enclose you also a copy of the laws of 
the Society before which it was read, of which our venerable friend 
D r Franklin is President. 

Mr. Sam 1 Vaughan is perfectly qualified to give you a just ace* of the 
political state of our country. With great respect, I am, d r Sir, 
Your faithful friend and humble serv*. 

Benj n Rush. 


Philad a , May 18, 1787. 

My dear Friend, — I received your favour of Jan. 26 with the 
volume of Sermons, for which please to accept my thanks. I have 
read them with great pleasure, and I think no one can read them with- 
out improvement. 

I condole with you on the loss of that excellent woman, so long your 
pleasing companion. The being depriv'd of dear friends and relations 
one after another, is a very severe tax we pay for living a great while 
ourselves. But such is the miserable state of things in this period 
of our existence ; the rectification is only to be expected in that which 
is to come. 

My health continues as when M rs Vaughan left us. My malady 
does not grow perceptibly worse, and I hope may continue tolerable to 
my life's end, which cannot now be far distant, being in my 82 d year. 

On farther consideration of my scheme for sinking the national debt, 
I became so doubtful of it as not to venture exposing it to Baron 
Maseres. I must digest it a little better. 

1 " An Enquiry into the Effects of Public Punishments upon Criminals, and 
upon Society. Read in the Society for promoting Political Enquiries, convened 
at the house of his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Esquire, in Philadelphia, 
March 9th, 1787." — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 367 

We have now meeting here a Convention of the principal people in 
the several States, for the purpose of revising the federal Constitution, 

and proposing such amendments as shall be thought necessary. It is 
a most important business, and I hope will be attended with success. 
With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend, 

Yours most affectionately. 

B. Franklin. 

If you have not receiv'd the Vol. of our Transactions I will send 
you another. 


Philadelphia, June 2 nd , 1787. 

Dear Sir, — I set down with great pleasure to inform you that 
eleven States have this day been represented in the Convention now 
assembled in this city for the purpose of revising the federal Constitu- 
tion. A delegation is expected in a few days from the 12 th . Rhode 
Island is destined to all the distress and infamy that can arise from her 
total seperation from the Confederacy. Her insignificance in point of 
numbers, strength, and character render this event of no consequence to 
the general interests of the Union. 

D r Franklin exhibits daily a spectacle of transcendent benevolence 
by attending the Convention punctually, and even taking part in its 
business and deliberations. He says " it is the most august and respec- 
table Assembly he ever was in in his life, and adds, that he thinks they 
will soon finish their business, as there are no prejudices to oppose, nor 
errors to refute in any of the body." Mr. Dickinson (who is one of 
them) informs me that they are all united in their objects, and he 
expects they will be equally united in the means of attaining them. 
Mr. Adams's book has diffused such excellent principles among us, that 
there is little doubt of our adopting a vigorous and compounded federal 
legislature. Our illustrious minister in this gift to his country has 
done us more service than if he had obtained alliances for us with all 
the nations in Europe. 

You must not be surprised if you should hear of our new system of 
government meeting with some opposition. There are in all our 
States little characters, whom a great and respectable government will 
sink into insignificance. These men will excite factions among us, but 
they will be of a temporary duration. Time, necessity, and the gradual 
operation of reason will carry it down, and if these fail force will not 
be wanting to carry it into execution, for not only all the wealth but 
all the military men of our country (associated in the Society of the 


-Cincinnati) are in favor of a wise and efficient government. The order 
of nature is the same in the political as it is in the natural world, — 
good is derived chiefly from evil. We are travelling fast into order 
and national happiness. The same enthusiasm now pervades all classes 
in favor of government, that actuated us in favor of liberty in the years 
1774 and 1775, with this difference, that we are more united in the 
former than we were in the latter pursuit. When our enemies triumph 
in our mistakes and follies, tell them that we are men, that we walk 
upon two legs, that we possess reason, passions, and senses, and that 
under these circumstances it is as absurd to expect the ordinary times 
of the rising and setting of the sun will be altered, as to suppose 
we shall not finally compose and adopt a suitable form of government, 
and be happy in the blessings which are usually connected with it. 

The enclosed newspaper contains an address suited to our present 
hour of difficulty and danger. The sentiments contained in it will dis- 
cover its author. I enclose you likewise a copy of the order to be 
observed next week in the dedication of our new German and English 
temple of science and religion. 1 

Accept of my thanks for the copy of your Sermons by D r White. I 
have read them with great pleasure. I have even done more. I have 
transcribed part of one of them for the benefit of a pious and accom- 
plished female correspondent in a neighbouring State. I am pleased 
with the moderation with which you have discussed the controverted 
doctrines in the first five discourses. I confess I have not and cannot 
admit your opinions, having long before I met with the Arian or 
Socinian controversies, embraced the doctrines of universal salvation 
and final restitution. My belief in these doctrines is founded wholly 
upon the Calvanistical account (and which I believe to be agreeable to 
the tenor of Scripture) of the person, power, goodness, mercy, and other 

1 The reference is probably to the opening of the German College at Lancas- 
ter, now called Franklin and Marshall College, which was incorporated March 
10, 1787. "A college has lately heen founded by the state in Lancaster, and 
committed chiefly to the care of the Germans of all sects for the purpose of 
diffusing learning among their children. In this college they are to be taught 
the German and English languages, and all those branches of literature which 
are usually taught in the colleges of Europe and America/' (See Rush's 
Account of the Manners of the German Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, written in 
1789, pp. 42, 43). In the "Pennsylvania Packet," June 18, 1787, is a brief refer- 
ence to the same institution, — "Every person, says a correspondent, must view 
with pleasure the establishment of a college for the benefit of the Germans in 
Pennsylvania. By means of this institution, so happily adapted to the national 
prejudices and religious principles of these useful citizens, the English language 
will be conveyed to them in its purity, and with all the modern improvements. 
In consequence of this event, knowledge of every kind will likewise be conveyed 
to them with ease, and the government of the state will thereby become more 
safe and uniform." — Eds. 


divine, attributes of the Saviour of the World. These principles, my 
dear friendj have hound me to the whole human race; these are the 
principles which animate me in all my labors for the interests of my 
fellow creatures. No particle of benevolence, no wish for the liberty 
of a slave or the reformation of a criminal will be lost. They must 
all be finally made effectual, for they all flow from the great author of 
goodness who implants no principles of action in man in vain. I 
acknowledge I was surprised to find you express yourself so cautiously 
and sceptically upon this point. Had you examined your own heart, 
you would have found in it the strongest proof of the truth of the doc- 
trine. It is this light which shineth in darkness, and which the dark- 
ness as yet comprehendeth not, that has rendered you so useful to 
your country and to the world. 

I beg pardon for this digression from the ordinary subjects of our 
correspondence. I submit my opinions with humility to that being 
who will not ; as you happily express it, punish involuntary errors, 
if such have been embraced by me. I seldom distress myself with 
speculative inquiries in religion, being fully satisfied that our business 
is to be good here, that we may be wise hereafter. 

With great respect, I am, dear Sir, your friend and humble servant, 

Benj n Rush. 


Philadelphia, July 29, 1787. 

Dea.r Sir, — The bearer the Rev d M r Winchester 1 has yeilded to 
an inclination he has long felt of visiting London, and has applied to 
me for a letter to you, for Americans of every profession and rank 
expect to find a friend in the friend of human kind. You are no 
stranger to his principles. I can with great pleasure add, that his life 
and conversation have fully proved that those principles have not had 
an unfavourable influence upon the heart. With a few oddities in 
dress and manner, he has maintained among both friends and enemies 
the character of an honest man. He leaves many sincere friends 
behind him. I know not how his peculiar doctrine of Universal Sal- 
vation may be received in London. But in every part of America it 
has advocates. In New England it continues to spread rapidly. In 
this city a Mr Blair, a Presbyterian minister of great abilities and 

1 Rev. Elhanan Winchester, born in Brookline, Massachusetts, Sept. 30, 1751, 
died in Hartford, Connecticut, April 18, 1797. In 1781 he founded a Univer- 
salist church in Philadelphia. In 1787 he went to England, where he preached 
with much success, and remained for several years. — Eds. 



extensive learning, and equally distinguished for his humility aud piety, 
has openly professed his belief of it from the pulpit. 

M r Winchester will deliver you two or three of our last newspapers. 
With great respect I am, d r Sir, 

Your friend and humble serv*. 

Benj n Rush. 
P. S. All will end well from the federal convention. 


Philadelphia, July 31, 1787. 

Rev d Sir, — A gentleman who is preparing to embark from this 
city for England to submit a mathematical instrument to the inspection 
of the Royal Society, has asked of me a letter to some member of that 
honourable body ; and on such an occasion, who sh d so naturally occur 
to me as the gentleman thro' whose good offices I was admitted to one 
of their meetings ? 

The bearer Mr. Joseph Workman is possessed of a mathematical 
instrument invented by his brother M r Benj D Workman of this city 
for taking the variation of the needle ; for which they propose to solicit 
a patent, if it sh d be approved of by the Society. I solicit your patron- 
age for the introducing of the work to a candid examination ; and your 
zeal for the advancement of the arts makes me natter myself that I 
shall be successful, even were I not to add (as I can do with great 
truth) that the gentlemen who will be benefited by the success of it 
are worthy characters and have served with approbation as tutors in 
the University of this city. 

The interest you take, Sir, in the civil happiness of America will 
doubtless make you anxious to hear of the event of the Convention now 
sitting for the improvement of our federal government. As they 
observe secrecy in their measures, I have cautiously avoided every 
thing which might look like a prying into their system. Thus much, 
however, I find, that gentlemen among them whom I consider as 
posessed of great and enlightened minds entertain agreeable prospects 
on the occasion. It is now well known that they have settled the prin- 
ciples of the plan which they are to propose, as the body have lately 
adjourned for a short time, leaving a Committee to digest and arrange 
the business. 

I am, Rev d Sir, with great respect, 

Your very humble serv*, Wsi : White. 

Rev d D r Price. 

1 Rt. Rev. William White, first Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in 
Pennsylvania, was born in Philadelphia April 4, 1748, and died there July 17, 
1836. He was in England from 1770 to 1772 and again in 1786-87. —Eds. 




Cambridge, Nov' 19, 1788. 

Rkv d Sir, — I received a letter from you some time ago accom- 
panied by the third edition of your volume upon Morals for our 
Library. I have presented it to the Corporation, who have desired 
me to return you their thanks for this new instance of your kindness. 

I am pleased to find that you are so far satisfied with our new federal 
Constitution. Eleven of the States have adopted it and the general 
government is to be organized the next March. It is to be hoped 
that this new government will have more energy than the old ; and 
indeed it is so constituted that I think it must necessarily be the case. 
It is impossible that we should be a flourishing people or have national 
distinction if we should continue to go on as we have done since the 
conclusion of the war which established our independence. Recom- 
mendations may do in times of danger ; but seldom is it that they will 
have the efficacy of laws in a time of peace. Several of the State 
Conventions have recommended alterations. Some of them, if adopted, 
would, it is probable, improve the Constitution ; and I think it likely 
that this will after a while take place. 

I am very happy to find that your new College is in a flourishing 
situation. I ardently wish it may be of extensive utility to the Dis- 
senting Interest in your island, both in ecclesiastical and secular 
regards. A greater diffusion of knowledge among the body of Dis- 
senters must be attended with important advantages. They are the 
strenuous assertors of religious liberty ; and I look upon them to be 
very great supporters of the civil liberties of your nation. I rejoice 
that your new literary Society is entirely free from the shackles of 
subscriptions in which it imitates the liberality of this University, 
which enjoins no human formula as a standard of faith, and whose 
members are received from all religious denominations that offer. 

Some time ago I mentioned to you the subject of a Greek Lexicon 
where each sense of the words should be given in English and sup- 
ported by classical authority in the manner of Ainsworth's Latin Dic- 
tionary. I am still of opinion that such a Greek-English Lexicon 
would greatly facilitate the learning of that admirable language among 
youth and that we should have many more who would acquaint them- 
selves with the immortal writers of Greece and Rome than has commonly 
been the case. Is there no one among you, Sir, who is capable of the 
business that might be induced to undertake such a work? How is it 
with D r Harwood ? I find by a number of passages in his " View of 
the various editions of the Greek and Roman Classics," that he has been 
a considerable reader in Greek. If he should be competent to such a 
work would he not have leisure for it ? If you and a number of the 


literati of your acquaintance should have the same opinion of the utility 
of such a lexicon as I have, might you not influence some proper hand 
to set about it? However, I will say nothing farther upon the subject. 
Your own judgment will determine whether these hints are worthy of 
any attention. 

I have sent you several pamphlets and tracts which I hope will be 
some amusement to you. I have also sent you the Massachusetts 
Register for 1789. 

The American Academy of Arts and Sciences having voted to 
furnish all their elected members with certificates, I take this oppor- 
tunity of sending yours. Will you be so kind as to give D r Priest- 
ley's certificate to him, which I have enclosed with yours ? 

I must ask the favor of you, Sir, to send the packets and letters 
accompanying yours to the gentlemen to whom they are directed. I 
am loth to give you this trouble, but I know of no other gentleman 
with whom I can take equal freedom. 

I am, with the greatest esteem, Rev d Sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

Rev d Richard Price, D.D. Joseph WiLLARD. 

I have engaged a friend to send this by Cap* Scott, who will see that 
you have it free of expence. 


Paris, July 12, 1789. 
Dear Sir, — The delay of my conge permits me still the pleasure 
of continuing to communicate the principal things which pass here. I 
have already informed you that the proceedings of the States General 
were tied up by the difficulty which arose as to the manner of voting, 
whether it should be by persons or orders. The Tiers at length gave 
an ultimate invitation to the other two orders to come and join them, 
informing them at the same time that if they did not they would pro- 
ceed without them. The majority of the clergy joined them. The 
king then interposed by the seance royale, of which you have heard. 
The decision he undertook to pronounce was declared null by the 
assembly and they proceeded in business. Tumults in Paris and Ver- 
sailles and still more the declared defection of the souldiery to the 
popular cause produced from the king an invitation to the Nobles 
and the minority of the clergy to go and join the common assembly. 
They did so, and since that time the three orders are in one room, 
voting by persons, and without any sensible dissension. Still the body 
of the nobles are rankling at the heart ; but I see no reason to appre- 

1903.] THE PRICE LETTERS. 373 

hend any great evil from it. Another appearance indeed, the approach 
of a great number of troops, principally foreigners, have given uneasi- 
ness. The Assembly addressed the King in an elegant and masculine 
stile. His answer, tho' dry, disavows every object but that of keeping 
the two capitals quiet. The States then are in quiet possession of the 
powers of the nation, and have begun the great work of building up a 
constitution. They appointed a committee to arrange the order in 
which they should proceed, and I will give you the arrangement, 
because it will shew you they mean to begin the building at the 
bottom, and know how to do it. They entitle it ' k Ordre du travail." 
" 1. Every government should have for its only end the preservation 
of the rights of man: whence it follows that to recall constantly the 
government to the end proposed, the constitution should begin by a 
deelaratiou of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. 2. Mo- 
narchical government being proper to maintain these rights, it has been 
chosen by the French nation. It suits especially a great society ; it is 
necessary for the happiness of France. The declaration of the princi- 
ples of this government then should follow immediately the declaration 
of the rights of man. 3. It results from the principles of monarchy, 
that the nation, to assure its own rights, has yeilded particular rights to 
the monarch ; the constitution then should declare in a precise manner 
the rights of both ; it should begin by declaring the rights of the 
French nation, and then it should declare the rights of the king. 
4. The rights of the king and nation not existing but for the happi- 
ness of the individuals who compose it, they lead to an examination of 
the rights of citizens. 5. The French nation, not being capable of 
assembling individually to exercise all its rights, it ought to be repre- 
sented. It is necessary then to declare the form of its representation 
and the rights of its representatives. 6. From the union of the powers 
of the nation and king should result the enacting and execution of the 
laws ; thus then it should first be determined how the laws shall 
be enacted; afterwards should be considered how they shall be exe- 
cuted. 7. Laws have for their object the general administration of the 
kingdom, the property and the actions of the citizens. The execution 
of the laws which concern the general administration requires provin- 
cial and municipal assemblies. It is necessary to examine then what 
should be the organisation of the provincial assemblies, and what 
of the municipal. 8. The execution of the laws which concern the 
property and actions of the citizens call for a judiciary power. It 
should be determined how that should be confided, and then its duties 
and limits. 9. For the execution of the laws and the defence of the 
kingdom, there exists a public force. It is necessary then to deter- 
mine the principles which should direct it, and how it should be 



Declaration of the rights of man. Principles of the monarchy. 
Rights of the nation. Rights of the king. Rights of the citizens. 
Organisation and rights of the national assembly. Forms necessary 
for the enaction of laws. Organisation and functions of the provin- 
cial and municipal assemblies. Duties and limits of the judiciary 
power. Functions and duties of the military power." 

The declaration of the rights of man, which constitutes the 1 st chapter 
in this work, was brought in the day before yesterday and referred to 
the bureaus. You will observe that these are the outlines of a great 
work, and be assured that the body engaged in it are equal to a 
masterly execution of it. They may meet with some difficulties from 
within their body and some from without ; there may be small and 
temporary checks ; but I think they will persevere to its accomplish- 
ment. The mass of the people is with them ; the effective part of the 
clergy is with them : so I believe is the souldiery and a respectable 
proportion of the officers. They have against them the high officers, 
the high clergy, the noblesse and the parliaments. This, you see, is 
an army of officers without souldiers. Should this revolution succeed, 
it is the beginning of the reformation of the governments of Europe. 
I received a note from Mr. Morgan, your nephew, 1 yesterday. I asked 
him to dine with me, but he was going to Versailles. He is to call 
on me to-morrow. Is there any thing good on the subject of the 
Socinian doctrine, levelled to a mind not habituated to abstruse reason- 
ing ? I would thank you to recommend such a work to me. Or have 
you written any thing of that kind ? That is what I should like best, 
as none are so easy to be understood as those who understand them- 
selves. I am with great sincerity, dear Sir, 

Your affectionate friend and servant, 

Th : Jefferson. 


Philadelphia, April 24, 1790. 
Dear Sir, — Accept of my thanks for your excellent Sermon 
preached before the Revolution Society. It is pregnant with noble 
sentiments. I rejoice to hear of your perseverance in opposing the 
infamous test laws of your country which disgrace both human reason 
and Christianity. They cannot much longer withstand the formidable 
attacks which have been made upon them. In the United States we 
view your religious establishment with horror, and the man who would 

1 George Cadogan Morgan. — Eds. 

1903.] THE PRICE LBTTBES. •>T"> 

attempt to defend it publickly or privately would ho consigned to 

a physician, instead of a casuist or a politician, to ho cured of his 

The papers will inform you of tin; death of our late illustrious and 
beloved friend I) r Franklin. The evening of his life was marked hy 
the same activity of his moral and intellectual powers which dis- 
tinguished its meridian. Three days before he died ho dictated a 
letter upon very important business relative to the boundaries of the 
United States to M r Jefferson, and three weeks before his death he 
wrote and published a very agreeable and ingenious parody upon 
a speech of a member of Congress in favor of the slavery of the 
Africans. His conversation with his family upon the subject of his 
dissolution was free and chearful. A few days before he died, he rose 
from his bed and bested that it mi^ht be made up for him so that ho 
mijjht die "in a decent manner." His daughter told him that she 
hoped he would recover, and live many years longer. lie calmly 
replied " He hoped not." Upon being advised to change his position 
in bed that he might breath easy, he said " A dying man can do nothing 
easy." His will has extended his benevolence beyond the grave. He 
has left £1000 to the city of Boston, and the same sum to the city of 
Philad" ; that to our city is to be put out on compound interest for 
15 years, and afterwards to be applied to supply the inhabitants with 
water by means of aqueducts, for before that time he predicted, that 
the water at present obtained from pumps will be so much contami- 
nated by the encrease of offal matters in our city as to be unwholesome. 
The remainder of his estate he has bequeathed to his daughter and 
grandson, excepting from it only a legacy to his sister in Boston, and 
all his lands in Nova Scotia to his son Gov 1 " Franklin now in London. 

All orders and bodies of people among us have vied with each other 
in paying tributes of respect to his memory. The Philosophical So- 
ciety, of which he was President, have ordered a funeral eulogium 
to be delivered in honor of his illustrious character. Even the govern- 
ment of the United States have shared in the general sympathy, 
agreeing to wear mourning for one month for him ; thus proclaiming 
to the world that republics are not deficient in gratitude to those men 
who have deserved well of their country for wisdom and virtue. I had 
like to have forgot to mention that he desired in his will that the ele- 
gant epitaph (suggested by his original occupation) which he composed 
for himself some years ago should be inscribed upon his tombstone. 
By this request he has declared his belief in the Christian doctrine of 
a resurrection. 

From, my dear Sir, yours sincerely, 

Benj n Rush. 



£ September or Oetober, 1790J l 

Dear Sir, — I should not have clelay'd so long writing to you had 
I not been for the last nine weeks absent on an excursion into the 
country in hopes of obtaining a recruit of health and spirits. I am now 
settled at home and glad to employ some of my first moments of leisure 
in making the acknowledgments I owe to you for your last letters. I 
am always truly sensible of the kindness of your attention, and of the 
honour it does me. 

Our P^east on the 14th of July was very animating; and I think 
with satisfaction on the concern I had in calling together the friends 
of the Revolution in France, to testify on that day their joy. This 
meeting has, I find, in France been mistaken for a meeting of our 
Revolution Society. But the members of this Society made but an 
inconsiderable part of that company ; and it is probable that they will 
make but an inconsiderable part of the company that will attend our 
annual feast on the 4th of November next for commemorating the 
British Revolution. Earl Stanhope has been the Chairman at these 
public dinners, and I hope he will continue to be so ; but the Society 
has at present no fixed President. It is, however, now increasing ; and 
it will, I hope, in time become sufficiently respectable to deserve the 
notice with which your Society of 1789 has honoured it. 

The letter from the district of Quimper in Bretagne has, you will 
easily believe, given me particular pleasure. 2 I request the favour of 
you to convey the enclosed answer to the President. I have sent it 
open that you may read it. I have received another letter from a Lit- 
terary Society at L'Orient. I know not well how to convey my answer 
to it. May I rely so far on your goodness as to beg the farther favour 
that you, after reading and sealing it, would convey it in whatever 
manner you may think best ? 

I am glad to find that you have recovered M. Turgot's letter. It 
is not indeed a letter of much importance, nor did I receive from him 
any letter more interesting except that which I have publish'd, and 
also one in which he gave me an account of the reasons of his dismis- 
sion from power. This last letter I am afraid I shall never be able to 

I have not seen my friend Mr. Yaughan since my return from the 

1 Dr. Price died April 19, 1791, and this letter must have been written about 
six months before his death. — Eds. 

2 The reference is to an address to Dr. Price from the principal inhabitants of 
Quimper. It is now in the possession of Miss Caroline E. Williams, a great- 
grandniece of Dr. Price. — Eds. 

1903.] THE PEIOB LETTERS. 377 

country. Probably be may before this time have performed the 
promise be made to convey to M. de Veillard bis observations on Dr. 

Franklin's Memoirs of Ills own life. I hud read these memoirs, and 
writ, to Dr. Franklin in consequence of having read them about a 
fortnight before I received the account of his death. This letter must 
have fallen into the hands of his Executors; and as it contains all the 
remarks I had to offer, I have copy'd it for your perusal. 

There have been two other deaths this year among my acquaintance 
and friends which have greatly affected me. I mean, Mr. Howard's 
death and Dr. Smith's. 1 The former had been my intimate friend from 
early life. The latter I looked up to as a writer of the first abilities. 
A few weeks before his death I had writ to him in consequence of 
having received from him the sixth edition of his Treatise on Morals. 
This work in the former editions of it made but one volume. In this 
edition it is increased into two volumes. In the Preface he takes no- 
tice of a promise he had made to the public of a treatise on the gen- 
eral principles of law and governm* and the different revolutions they 
had undergone in the different ages and periods of society, and then 
adds that he had performed this promise in his book on the wealth of 
nations as far as it concerned police, revenue and arms, but that with 
respect to what remained (the Theory of Jurisprudence) his occupa- 
tions had prevented him. He had not, however, abandoned the design, 
tho' his very advanced age had left him very little expectation of being 
able to execute so great a work to his own satisfaction. Soon after 
this, death put an end to all his labours ; and this must soon happen to 
us all. Happy are those who at the close of life can reflect that they 
have lived to a valuable purpose by contributing as he did, to enlighten 
mankind and to spread the blessings of peace and liberty and virtue. 
He was indeed one of the ablest writers, and his personal character 
was, as far I ever knew or heard, irreproachable. We thought differ- 
ently on the subject of the origin of our ideas of moral good and evil, 
but such differences among speculative men must always exist, and 
they do good by occasioning a more thorough investigation of important 
points, and in the end a clearer developem* of truth. Dr. Smith had 
been gradually declining for more than a year before he died, nor do I 
know that his disorder had any particular name given it. His only 
publications were his treatises on morals and on the wealth of nations, 
and I am told that he has left the world no room to hope for any 
posthumous work, except, perhaps, a few Essays. He had burnt many 
volumes of manuscripts to prevent the possibility of publishing them. 
Mr. Dugald Stuart, the Professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh, 
is to give an account of his life in the Edinburgh Philosophical Trans- 

1 John Howard, the philanthropist, died Jan. 20, 1790, and Adam Smith, 
author of the " Wealth of Nations," died July 17, 1790. — Eds. 



actions, and to attend it with some critical remarks on his books on 
morals and the wealth of nations. 

Mr. William W. Goodwin said : — 

There has always been some doubt about the course by 
which the shallop of the Mayflower entered Plymouth harbor 
in the afternoon of Friday, December 8 (O. S.), 1620, and 
landed at Clark's Island. Two important points to determine 
are the state of the tide and the direction of the wind. Professor 
Pickering informs me from the Observatory that the new moon 
in December, 1620, fell on the 13th (O. S.). This would make 
the tide high at Plymouth on the 8th at about 6 P. M., which 
would make it easy for a boat to enter the harbor late in the 
afternoon. It is almost certain that the wind was southeast. 
Bradford (p. 86) says that there was a storm with snow and 
rain, which increased as night approached. This is an almost 
sure sign of a winter southeaster, in which both snow and rain 
together are very common. This would never happen in a 
northeaster. But the decisive fact is told by Bradford 
(p. 88) : " after midnight ye wind shifted to the northwest, and 
it frose hard." It is the regular course of a southeaster, at all 
times of the year, to change in the night to the northwest with 
a great and sudden fall of temperature. I have never seen a 
person who was familiar with the weather on the coast of New 
England, who hesitated for a moment to recognize a common 
southeast storm in Bradford's description. 

The next question is, how the Pilgrims entered the harbor. 
They had been coasting along the inner shore of Cape Cod, 
and early in the afternoon they must have come up with 
Manomet Point, which is the southern point of Plymouth 
harbor, being about seven miles from the Gurnet on the north 
side of the entrance. If they had seen Manomet, and were not 
sure of their position, they would naturally have turned the 
point, and have found themselves soon in a sheltered cove 
back of Plymouth Beach, known as Warren's Cove, where they 
would have been in tolerably smooth water and could easily 
have landed on the back of the beach. But with a broken 
rudder, and compelled to steer with oars, they could hardly 
have gone from this place over to Clark's Island, in a heavy 
gale, passing over Brown's Island shoal, which in a storm is 


always a dangerous place and generally covered with break- 
ers. The very sight of the rough sea would surely have pre- 
vented them from making the attempt. It' the wind had been 
northeast, everything would have been much worse for them. 
They would then have found themselves at once in " a cove 
full of breakers," from which there would have been no escape. 
Least of all could they have gone in the teeth of the gale to 
the north and northeast, the direction of Clark's Island. 

It seems to me certain, therefore, that they either passed 
Manomet Point without seeing it in the mist of the storm, or 
else did not recognize it as one of the two points of the harbor. 
After this they broke their mast in three pieces and lost the sail, 
so that henceforth they must have relied wholly on their oars. 
If they went W. N. W. from Manomet Point, which was their 
natural course, they would just clear the eastern end of Brown's 
Island; and then they would strike the strong flood tide which 
Bradford mentions. The gale would carry them across the 
channel, where they would soon see two high points, the 
Gurnet and Saquish Head, connected by a low sandy beach, 
forming Saquish Cove. This is the " cove full' of breakers," as 
it always is in a southeaster. There the pilot probably mis- 
took the two high points for two islands ; and not seeing the 
low beach between them, he thought the entrance to the har- 
bor must be between the points. This mistake probably caused 
his exclamation that " his eyes never saw that place before." 
But he soon found that he was running into the breakers 
" before ye winde " ; and they were saved only by the steers- 
man, who "bad those which rowed, if they were men, about 
with her, or ells they were all cast away ; the which they did 
with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere & row lustily, 
for ther was a faire sound before them, & he doubted not but 
they should find one place or other wher they might ride in 
saftie. And though it was very darke, and rained sore, yet in 
ye end they gott under ye lee of a small iland [i. e. Clark's 
Island], and remained there all night in saftie. But they 
knew not this to be an iland till morning." (Bradford, p. 87.) 
Mourt's Relation gives some additional particulars. After 
escaping from the cove full of breakers, it says : " We bare up 
for an Hand before us, and recovering of that Iland, being com- 
passed about with many rocks, a darke night growing upon us, 
it pleased the Divine providence that we fell upon a piece of 


sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and secure all 
that night (?), and coming upon a strange Hand kept on watch 
all night upon that Hand." The " Hand " which they saw in 
the west as they left Saquish Cove was Saquish Head, which 
in thick weather would naturally be thought to be an island. 
Tins is " compassed about with many rocks," and they must 
have rowed hard to weather these ; but after passing them, they 
came upon the low sandy shore of Western Point on Saquish, 
which they easily passed before the wind. On its northwest 
side they would have found " sandy ground," where they could 
rest in safety under the lee of the point. The words " all that 
night" must be a mistake, as the next clause shows, which 
refers to Clark's Island. After resting from their exertions 
and finding that they were in no fit place to spend a stormy 
night, the point being quite low, they had an easy passage 
before the southeast wind to the south end of Clark's Island, 
passing which they were under the lee of high land on the 
west shore of the island, in perfect shelter from the storm. 
After spending Saturday and Sunday on the island, they went 
on to Plymouth Monday morning, when the tide was high at 
about nine o'clock. The landing on Plymouth Rock on this 
eventful day was made by ten of the Pilgrims and two hired 
seamen, with two officers and three sailors of the Mayflower. 
And yet nearly all the paintings which represent the scene 
have the Mayflower in the offing, and the whole ship's company 
with women and children landing on the rock. I have always 
thought that the famous rock was not only or chiefly the 
landing-place of December 11 (21), but the pier which the 
whole company used while they were living on the ship before 
their house was finished. The real rock, which few have lately 
seen in its full length, is a boulder, about fifteen feet long and 
three feet wide, which lay with its point to the east, thus 
forming a convenient pier for boats to land during several hours 
of each tide. It is much to be hoped that when the ugly 
" canopy," which now covers the rock except an insignificant 
broken piece of it, is removed, the whole rock, in some approach 
to its original position, may be exposed to view. The rock is 
authenticated as the Pilgrims' landing-place by the testimony of 
Elder Faunce, who about 1741, at the age of ninety-five, was 
carried in a chair to the rock, that he might pass down to pos- 
terity the testimony of Pilgrims whom he had personally 


known on this important mat tor. The venerable Deacon 
Ephraim Spooner, who died in Plymouth in 1818, was present 
as a boy on this interesting occasion. 1 

Mr. Edward Channing spoke substantially as follows : — 

Professor Goodwin's remarks as to the time of high water 
at Plymouth on December 21, 1620 (new style), were con- 
firmatory of some conclusions which he had reached, nineteen 
years ago and had then set forth in the columns of the 
" Magazine of American History." In those days it was his 
custom, so Mr. Channing stated, to make long excursions by 
water to places of historic interest. Among other towns 
which he visited was Plymouth. In this historical pilgrimage 
the conditions as to time of day and tide, as they have come 
down to us in the pages of Bradford and Mourt, were fol- 
lowed as closely as possible. The excursion was necessarily 
made in the summer instead of in the winter, and the passage 
in from Manomet to Clark's Island was made in broad day- 
light on a beautiful summer's afternoon with a light wind 
from the southwest instead of in the gathering gloom of a 
stormy December evening. 

Boating in and about Plymouth is so largely dependent 
upon the tide that it seemed desirable to make this pilgrimage 
when the tide should be high at the same hour that it was on 
that December morning when the Pilgrim leaders explored 
the neighborhood of their future home. Upon inquiry of the 
Superintendent of the Coast Survey, it was found that the 
tide was high on that memorable day in 1620 at about nine 
o'clock, as is stated in the following letter : — 

U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey Office, 
Washington, Oct. 11, 1883. 
Prof. Edward Channing, Harvard University, Cambridge. 

Dear Sir, — In answer to your letter of Oct. 4th, the computed 
time of high tide at Plymouth on December 21st, 1620 (new style), 
was very nearly nine o'clock in the forenoon. 

Yours respectfully, 



1 I have revised this proof on Clark's Island, in full sight of the scene which 
is described ; and I cannot conceive of any possible course of the Pilgrim shallop 
except that which I have given. — W. W. G. 


Passing the night in his boat drawn up on the beach of 
Clark's Island, Mr. Channing set forth the next morning at 
about 7.30 (one hour and a half before high water) to repeat 
as nearly as possible the doings of the Pilgrims on the first 
half of the day above referred to. From this actual expe- 
rience and experimentation on his part, Mr. Channing reached 
the conclusion that, in the absence of direct testimony, it is 
safe to point to no particular spot as that on which the first 
Pilgrim foot pressed the mainland inside of Plymouth harbor. 

A new serial of the Proceedings, containing the record of 
the April meeting, was ready for delivery at this meeting. 




The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 11th instant, 
at three o'clock, P. M. ; the President in the chair. 

The record of the last meeting was read and approved ; and 
the Librarian and Corresponding Secretary made reports. 

Mr. Frederic J. Stimson, of Dedham, was elected a Resident 

Voted, That the stated meetings for July, August, and Sep- 
tember be omitted, the President and Corresponding Secre- 
tary to have power to call a special meeting if necessary. 

Rev. Dr. Edward J. Young and Hon. Daniel H. Chamber- 
lain were severally appointed to represent the Society on any 
appropriate occasion during their projected visits to Europe. 

Mr. Edward H. Gilbert, who was one of the representa- 
tives of the Society at the recent celebration at Greenfield, 
made a brief extemporaneous report on the subject. 

Hon. Henry S. Nourse presented a copy of the fac-simile 
reprint of Mrs. Rowlandson's " Narrative," of which he was 
the editor, and spoke of the two hundred and fiftieth anniver- 
sary of the incorporation of the town of Lancaster. 

The President resumed his examination of some parts of 
the History of Herodotus, which was begun at the last meet- 
ing, and read the following paper: — 

At the last meeting of the Society (May 14) I read some 
notes prepared during the leisure of the return voyage from 
my recent visit to Egypt and Greece. Time, and a due 
regard to the convenience of others having communications 
to make, did not permit the reading of all I had written. I 
broke off, therefore, at the point where I had said my say as 
to the account given by Herodotus of the battle of Marathon. 
In doing so, I expressed the hope that our associate, Professor 


W. W. Goodwin, who has made a special study of Salamis, 1 
might again be present at this meeting, ready to contribute to 
its interest by views, better considered than mine, of that most 
memorable sea-fight. Professor Goodwin is now here, and I 
will proceed with what remains of my notes. 

I visited Marathon on the 14th of April. The day be- 
fore I had been to Salamis. I failed to ascend the steep 
hill still known as " Xerxes' Throne," from the summit of 
which, as a coign of vantage, I have little doubt the Persian 
on Salamis day, as Napoleon from Mont St. Jean on that of 
Waterloo, did actually overlook the scene of combat and of his 
own overthrow; but I sailed through the bay, studying with 
deep interest, and some degree of care, its narrow outlets and 
close bordering shores. As a result, my conclusion was that — 
however it may have been with Marathon — Salamis was not 
only a general engagement, but, as such, few in all history, 
whether on land or water, have been more momentously de- 
cisive. Of the account of the battle given by Herodotus, I 
shall offer some criticism presently ; but, before doing so, 
there are things which then passed through my mind needful 
to premise. 

Salamis would afford an excellent theme for our corre- 
sponding associate Captain Mahan. It clearly illustrates, 
and most potently confirms, his theory of the importance of 
sea domination, — the story of the Spanish Armada of twenty 
centuries later not more so. Themistocles in 480 B. c did for 
Greece and European civilization what Drake, A. d. 1588, 
did for England and Protestantism. For, as I read the history 
of the earlier time, the invasions of Darius and Xerxes, de- 
scribed by Herodotus, were no mere aggressions of a couple of 
ambitious or warlike chieftains ; on the contrary, they were 
parts of one of those great race movements — Assyrian, Gaul, 
Goth, Hun and Vandal ; Tartar, Mogul or Ottoman — through 
which some region, impelled by causes hard to explain, 
empties itself by migration on its neighbors. Herodotus him- 
self describes how the Asiatic movement with which he 
had historically to deal submerged Africa (B. VII. sects. 1, 
7). Another, as I take it not dissimilar movement took 
place ten centuries later, which, more successful than that 

1 u The Battle of Salamis," by William W. Goodwin: Papers of the American 
School of Classical Studies at Athens, vol. i. pp. 239-262. 


of Darius and Xerxes, was arrested at one end of Europe 
by Charles Mattel, before Tours, in 7'j2, and, in Central 
Europe, by John Sobieski, at Vienna, as late as 1683. As J 
read the record in Herodotus, the like racial quickening man- 
ifested in the fifth century before Christ for a time threatened 
the then nascent civilization of Greece and Italy with obliter- 
ation. So far as Africa was concerned, this movement met 
with no serious opposition ; it prevailed and became perma- 
nent, just as the similar Saracenic movement prevailed and 
became permanent a thousand years afterwards. But with 
Africa, the sea-power was not in question ; it was a terra firma 
migration. In the case of Greece and Europe, the Hellespont 
and Dardanelles were geographical facts. Accordingly, the 
operations of Darius and Xerxes had a maritime base. They 
depended on a control of the sea. This, by mere dint of 
superior resources, the Persians, though not a maritime people, 
for a time held ; just as the Spaniards enjoyed a like maritime 
ascendancy down to the Armada, though they never were at 
home on the water, as were the Dutch and English. On land, 
the Asiatic movement of the fifth century before Christ seems 
to have met no more effective opposition in Europe than in 
Africa. Marathon, I have referred to. A spirited affair, and 
a well-aimed as well as effectively delivered strategic blow, 
it brought to an impotent end that whole immediate Persic 
plan of campaign ; while, more remotely, it gave a check of 
ten years' duration to the Asiatic race-slide. 1 The battle 

1 Since the last meeting of the Society the issue of the London Athcncemn 
for April 4, 1903, has come to hand. In it I notice (p. 4:13) a criticism of a 
recent school-book by G. W. Botsford, entitled " An Ancient History for Be- 
ginners." The reviewer says of the book : " We are told . . . that the skir- 
mish at Marathon was the most important battle fought hitherto in the history of 
the world. Indeed, Mr. Botsford's notions of military matters are curious," etc. I 
have not examined the work referred to, but both statement and criticism afford 
a timely illustration both of the traditional hold of Herodotus' narrative, and 
of the destructive trend of modern criticism upon it. From my point of view, 
Marathon was neither a decisive battle nor was it a skirmish ; in the last state- 
ment its importance is as much underestimated as it was overestimated in the 
first. My attention has also been called to the recently published (1901) study 
by G. P. Grundy, University Lecturer in Classical Geography, at Oxford, en- 
titled " The Great Persian War." The narrative of Herodotus as respects both 
Marathon and Salamis is here carefully reviewed. My own much more super- 
ficial impressions I find in substantial accord with the carefully reasoned conclu- 
sions reached by Mr. Grundy. He has evidently made, what I do not protend to 
have made, a careful topographical study of the localities, as well as an equally 
careful examination of the authorities, both classic and modern. But, while Mr. 



of Marathon was fought in B.C. 490. In 480 the race-slide 
recommenced in greater volume, — even bridging the Helles- 
pont. But the bridge across the Hellespont — the essential 
line of approach of a horde too vast for water carriage — was 
a question of sea power. There was the weak link in the 
chain, — the point of vital difference in the problem of Euro- 
pean as contrasted with African development. 

Thermopylse, I gravely suspect, has been an immensely ex- 
aggerated affair, — like Marathon, largely Greek boast. I did 
not visit the famous pass, and am told that the topography of 
the region has since undergone a change. Herodotus describes 
the locality, and says that " on the eastern side of the way, 
is the sea and a morass " (B. VII. sec. 176) ; and he, further 
on, tells us that, during the famous combat, many of the 
Persians, "falling into the sea, perished" (sec. 223). The 
morass here referred to has since received accretions, until 
now the narrow path defended by Leoniclas looks down upon 
a plain between it and the water. However this may be, it is ob- 
vious that, for purposes of defence against an invading force, the 
control of the sea was essential to the holding of the pass. It 
could at any time be turned, and taken in the rear, by an enemy 
of superior maritime strength. Accordingly, the Greeks had 
to occupy the neighboring waters. This they did ; and the sea- 
fight at Artemisium ensued, simultaneously with the struggle at 
Thermopylae. Not having visited the locality, I have nothing 
to say of the account of the operations given by Herodotus; 
but, judging from the map and guide-book, I should infer that 
Themistocles, through the experience at Artemisium, grasped 
the key of the subsequent situation at Salamis. It was an 
exact reversal of those more recent conditions which caused 
English and Dutch sailors to seek for plenty of sea-room in 
w r hich to work to windward of the largely preponderant but 
less expert Spaniards. Though they were much more at home 
on the water, at Artemisium there was too much sea-room to 
suit the purposes of the Greeks. The Persians had sufficient 
space to enable them to take advantage of their superiority in 

Grundy lias given much theoretical study to military operations, and has many 
sound views to advance upon them, it is apparent he has never actively partici- 
pated in those operations, nor himself heen dependent on the practical working 
of a commissariat or quartermaster department. Due consideration is not always 
given by him to the fact that an army everywhere and always "moves on its 


numbers; and bo " many ships of the Grecians perished, and 
many men" (B. VIII. sec. 10). Practically, it was ;i Persian 

victory ; for Herodotus tells us (hat at the close the Greeks had 
" been severely handled, and especially the Athenians, the half 
of whose ships wen: disabled " (sec. 18). The position at Ther- 
mopylae was therefore no longer (enable. It had been turned. 
That day the laud force under Leonidas was destroyed. As a 
result the Persians found themselves victorious all along the 
line; the Greeks, panic-stricken. Abandoning all idea of fur- 
ther resistance by land above Corinth, they set to work build- 
ing a wall across the Isthmus; though, as Herodotus sagely 
observed, " I am unable to discover what would have been the 
advantage of the walls built across the Isthmus, if the [Persian] 
had been master of the sea " (B. VII. sec. 139). Accordingly, 
beyond Thermopylae the invading horde met no opposition. 
By land, after devastating Attica, they took and destroyed 
Athens; while their vast naval armament, rounding Sunium, 
co-operated with the land forces. The discomfited Greek fleet 
had abandoned Phalerum, then the seaport of Athens and the 
Greek naval depot, and retired to Salainis bay, just opposite, 
and only three or four miles away. The fate of Europe was 
thus reduced to a question of sea-power. That issue was to be 
settled at Salamis. 

It was with all this in mind, and Herodotus in hand, that, on 
the 13th of April, I visited the scene of the famous action. 
Read on the spot where the events described took place, I 
found the account of them given by Herodotus not only unsat- 
isfactory and vague, but puzzling. The longer I considered 
it, the less faith I put in it. The topography of the bay — 
the shore, the inlets and outlets, and the neighboring heights, 
— unlike Thermopylte in this respect — must on the 20th of 
September, 480 B. c, have been much what I looked upon *J383 
years later. Herodotus, who wrote in this case some forty 
years only after the event, says that the Persians throughout 
the night preceding the battle were bus\ r perfecting their com- 
binations. A large land force broke camp, marching towards 
Corinth and the Peninsula ; and, at the same time, a portion 
of the fleet got under weigh to circumnavigate Salamis, and 
close the western outlet of the bay of Eleusis, co-operating with 
the movement by land against the Isthmus. Meanwhile the 
bulk of the Persian fleet had already gathered about Psyt- 


taleia. From shore to shore, the straits of Salamis may be 
some three miles in length by one in width. There were, 
and are, two outlets towards Athens, — the means of Persian 
escape in case of disaster, — but both are narrow and some- 
what impeded. 

According to Herodotus, when the Persians next morning 
saw the Greeks getting their ships under weigh, they " fell 
upon them." As the line advanced, " all the other Greeks," 
Herodotus declares, " began to back water and made for the 
shore ; but Aminias of Pallene, an Athenian, being carried on- 
wards, attacked a ship ; and his ship becoming entangled with 
the other, and the crew not being able to clear, the rest, there- 
upon coming to the assistance of Aminias, engaged." But he 
then adds the somewhat contradictory statement that the 
" Greeks fought in good order, in line ; but the [Persians] were 
neither properly formed, nor did anything with judgment ; 
[consequently] such an event as did happen' was likely to 
occur." Finally, " when the foremost [Persian] ships were 
put to flight, then the greatest numbers were destroyed ; for 
those who were stationed behind endeavoring to pass on to the 
front fell foul of their own flying ships. . . . The [Persians] 
being turned to flight, and sailing away towards Phalerum, the 
Athenians in the rout ran down both those ships that resisted 
and those that fled. . . .But the [Persians], whose ships sur- 
vived, fled and arrived at Phalerum [distance of about three 
miles] under the protection of the land forces " (B. VIII. 
sects. 83-86, 89, 91, 92). 

Surveying the scene of conflict, I found it very difficult to 
accept this account of what there took place. Herodotus, it 
will be observed, says nothing at all of the strategic considera- 
tions upon which the Greek movements were based, and he is 
hardly more communicative as to the tactics of the actual battle. 
Yet it is not easy to understand what occurred, or how or 
why it happened, without careful consideration of the reasons, 
based on locality, which dictated the course of either party, 
and fixed the place of conflict. 

The more I studied the situation, the more deeply impressed 
I found myself with the military and naval capacity evinced 
by the Greeks, and their grasp of the situation. The falling 
back upon Salamis, when further occupation of Attica and 
Athens became impracticable, was a bold move dictated by 


consummate strategic insight, and based on a clear comprehen- 
sion of the tactics Subsequently, and of necessity, involved. 

First, consider the Persian objective, After occupying Attica, 

the next move in their campaign necessarily was the invasion 

of the Peloponnesus. This, with a view to a final crushing of 

Greek power in its Stronghold. The available land force was 
more than adequate for that operation, — it was overwhelm- 
ing. But the Peloponnesus was, as it still is, a poor country, 
and could not, even for a brief period, feed a large invading 

force. Such a force had, therefore, to be supplied from with- 
out. Accordingly, it was necessary it should move along the 
seashore; a fleet must co-operate with it; upon that fleet it 
largely depended for existence ; and, consequently, the fleet 
must be in direct, frequent and unbroken communication with 
its own and the army's base. The remote base of Xerxes' 
operations was, of course, Asia Minor. But to reach that base 
from the Peloponnesus involved a dangerous and lengthy 
voyage beyond stormy Sunium, and across the jEgean sea. 
A more immediate base was a military necessity ; and this base 
was obviously afforded by Attica and Phalerum. A land force 
operating in the Peloponnesus had, therefore, to be in close 
maritime communication with Phalerum. This was vital, — a 
condition precedent in any plan of campaign. 

When, therefore, the Greek fleet retired to Salamis, it 
retired to a position from which it could at any time emerge, 
and menace the Persian lines of communication. Not only 
was the sea route to the Peloponnesus, whether from Attica 
or Asia Minor, at its mercy, but the coast road to Corinth and 
the Isthmus, along the shore of the bay of Eleusis, was even 
more so. The blow could be delivered from Salamis either 
way — right or left, east or west — with equal destructive 
force. This being so, it was impossible for the Persians to 
ignore the danger. If, recognizing it, Xerxes undertook to 
blockade Salamis, thus preserving his line of water com- 
munication, he must, in so doing, have divided his fleet, 
and so incurred the risk of defeat in detail. But, at the 
stage of naval development then reached, it is very question- 
able whether a blockade, in the modern sense of the term, 
could have been maintained. The vessels on which the work 
devolved could not hold the sea. Disaster of some sort would 
have been inevitable. So long, therefore, as the Greek fleet 


held Salamis, the Persian was practically checkmated. The 
destruction of the fleet at Salamis thus became a condition 
precedent to an advance on the Peloponnesus. 

Although Herodotus makes no mention of it, it is impossible 
Themistocles should not have realized this fact. It involved 
a mastery of the situation. Moreover, at Salamis, the Greeks 
could only be destroyed by a frontal attack which, unless the 
hostile naval operations were most skilfully conducted, gave 
to the numerically weaker party a distinct advantage. In the 
straits of Salamis, the lines of battle of two opposing fleets 
must of necessity be equal ; and the presence in those narrow 
waters of too large a number of vessels would almost inevi- 
tably cause confusion and lead to disaster. 

Such were the strategic conditions ; and such the system of 
tactics the locality compelled. 

The Persians, therefore, had no choice; whether they 
relished the entertainment or not, before invading the Pelo- 
ponnesus they had to dispose of the Greek fleet at Salamis. 
Its presence paralyzed forward movement. So much for the 
strategic situation. The destruction of the Greek fleet, or at 
least its dislodgment from a point which jeopardized the Per- 
sian communications, being a military necessity, I have already 
referred to the movements preliminary to the battle described 
by Herodotus. Fairly intelligible, they occupied the entire 
night preceding the engagement. The next morning, we are 
told, Xerxes was at the spur of Mount iEgaleos, whence he pro- 
posed to view the impending contest. He had probably passed 
the night in that vicinity, and was, of course, accompanied by 
a large portion, if not the great mass, of the Persian army. 
The whole Attic shore was thus occupied, and the requisite 
force was stretched along the straits of Salamis, preparatory to 
crossing over and destroying the Athenians on the opposite 
island immediately a naval victory was assured. Under these 
circumstances, it is fair to assume that the Persian fleet, which 
Herodotus says had been working into position since midnight 
(sec. 76), occupied, during the small hours of the day of the 
engagement, the whole eastern end of the straits of Salamis, 
thus bringing itself into touch with the land forces encamped 
on the neighboring shore. Apparently, this must have been 
the situation at dawn. 

Allowing for the portion of the fleet detached to circum- 


navigate Salamis, and for the losses the Persians had pre- 
viously sustained iu battle, by storm and otherwise, their fleet 
probably was not less than twiee that of the Greeks. The 
Greek array, we know, consisted of some three hundred and 
seventy triremes (see. 48). Allowing only fifty feet to a tri- 
reme in the line of battle, — manifestly insufficient, — the 
straits of Salamis from shore to shore may possibly have 
afforded space for one hundred and twenty vessels. Herod- 
otus (sec. 85) says that the Phoenicians constituted the 
Persian wing" towards Eleusis, and westward," being opposed 
to the Athenians ; who, therefore, were on the left of the 
Greek line of battle. The Ionians, who made up the Persian 
wing " towards the east and the Pyraeus," had the Lacedae- 
monians in their front. The formation was natural; but I 
found myself utterly unable to make out how the alignment 
could have been from west to east. Undoubtedly, the Greeks 
formed so as to cover the town of Salamis,- — their temporary 
naval depot, — and the entrance to the bay of Eleusis. This 
was a necessity. The Persian formation, after entering the 
straits of Salamis, could have been only from north to 
south. The two lines would then have confronted each 
other, the Greeks looking almost due east, the Persians 
due west. If the limits of the straits admitted of but one 
hundred and twenty triremes at the outside in line, the Greek 
ships must have been at least three deep, while the Persian 
force, if arrayed in full, could not have been less than six 
deep. But, for the bulk of the latter array, there was not 
room in the straits; it must have remained outside, about and 
beyond Psyttaleia. The Athenian contingent constituted more 
than one-half — perhaps two-thirds — of the entire Greek fleet. 
Their vessels also, as Herodotus tells us, were by far the best 
(sec. 42) and the most skilfully manned. Of them Themis- 
tocles was in command. Eurybiades, the Lacedaemonian, was, 
however, the admiral of the combined fleet. He had com- 
manded at Artemisium also. The Lacedcemonian contingent 
accordingly held the right of the line, constituting the nominal 
van ; while the left was assigned to the Athenians. But at 
Salamis the left of the line was in reality its van, and for an 
obvious reason ; — it covered the entrance to the bay of Eleusis, 
the Greek line of communication and retreat. That had to 
be held at any cost, for, if lost, the Greeks would have been 


thrown back on Cynosnra and Salamis, and utterly destroyed. 
No escape would have been possible. The Greek line of 
battle, therefore, must have ran north